Rider University Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini & Kwame Nkrumah Research Analysis Primary Source Assignment 5
Answer the following questions in complete sentences. Each answer should be roughly one or two paragraphs. Use examples and/or quotes from the primary source(s) to support your answers. Type in the answers directly below each question. Save and send the document file name as “week 7 primary source questions your last name” (for example, week 7 primary source questions gerlach).
1. Kwame Nkrumah argues for African unity in his speech. Why does he see the need for this unity and what advantages does it offer?
2. How does the Ayatollah Khomeini use Islam to support his call for political unity in Iran?
3. Both sources are critical of Western influences. Explain how they address this point and why they are (or are not) legitimate concerns. Search
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Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini
(1900-89):
The Uprising of Khurdad 15,
1979
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Born Ruhollah Hendi, the Ayatollah (the word signifies religious
leader) took the name in 1930. He taught in the major Shi’ite
theological school at Qom, but was exiled for his opposition to the
government of the Shah. Living in Paris after 1978 he orchestrated
the Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran. He became the effective
political and religious leader of the country until his death in 1989.
Those who are ignorant must be guided to a correct understanding.
We must say to them: “You who imagine that something can be
achieved in Iran by some means other than Islam, you who suppose
that something other than Islam overthrew the Shah’s regime, you
who believe non-Islamic elements played a role–study the matter
carefully. Look at the tombstones of those who gave their lives in
the movement of Khurdad 15. If you can find a single tombstone
belonging to one of the non-Islamic elements, it will mean they
played a role. And if, among the tombstones of the Islamic
elements, you can find a single tombstone belonging to someone
from the upper echelons of society, it will mean that they too played
a role. But you will not find a single tombstone belonging to either
of those groups. All the tombstones belong to Muslims from the
lower echelons of society: peasants, workers, tradesmen, committed
religious scholars. Those who imagine that some force other than
Islam could shatter the great barrier of tyranny are mistaken. As for
those who oppose us because of their opposition to Islam, we must
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cure them by means of guidance, if it is at all possible; otherwise,
we will destroy these agents of foreign powers with the same fist
that destroyed the Shah’s regime.
Your opponents, oppressed people, have never suffered. In the time
of the taghut, they never suffered because either they were in
agreement with the regime and loyal to it, or they kept silent. Now
you have spread the banquet of freedom in front of them and they
have sat down to eat. Xenomaniacs, people infatuated with the
West, empty people, people with no content! Come to your senses;
do not try to westernize everything you have! Look at the West, and
see who the people are in the West that present themselves as
champions of human rights and what their aims are. Is it human
rights they really care about, or the rights of the superpowers?
What they really want to secure are the rights of the superpowers.
Our jurists should not follow or imitate them. You should implement
human rights as the working classes of our society understand
them. Yes, they are the real Society for the Defense of Human
Rights. They are the ones who secure the well-being of humanity;
they work while you talk; for they are Muslims and Islam cares
about humanity. You who have chosen a course other than Islam-you do nothing for humanity. All you do is write and speak in an
effort to divert our movement from its course.
But as for those who want to divert our movement from its course,
who have in mind treachery against Islam and the nation, who
consider Islam incapable of running the affairs of our country
despite its record of 1400 years—they have nothing at all to do with
our people, and this must be made clear. How much you talk about
the West, claiming that we must measure Islam in accordance with
Western criteria! What an error! It was the mosques that created
this Revolution, the mosques that brought this movement into
being. The mihrab was a place not only for preaching, but also for
war–war against both the devil within and the tyrannical powers
without. So preserve your mosques, O people. Intellectuals, do not
be Western-style intellectuals, imported intellectuals; do your share
to preserve the mosques!
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This text is part of the Internet Modern History Sourcebook. The
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Modern History Sourcebook:
Kwame Nkrumah:
I Speak of Freedom, 1961
Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972) was the leader of Ghana, the formerBritish colony of
the Gold Coast and the first of the Europeancolonies in Africa to gain independence
with majority rule. Untilhe was deposed by a coup d’état in 1966, he was a
majorspokeman for modern Africa.
For centuries, Europeans dominated the African continent. Thewhite man arrogated
to himself the right to rule and to be obeyedby the non-white; his mission, he
claimed, was to “civilise”Africa. Under this cloak, the Europeans robbed the
continent ofvast riches and inflicted unimaginable suffering on the Africanpeople.All
this makes a sad story, but now we must be prepared to burythe past with its
unpleasant memories and look to the future.All we ask of the former colonial
powers is their goodwill andco-operation to remedy past mistakes and injustices
and to grantindependence to the colonies in Africa….It is clear that we must find an
African solution to our problems,and that this can only be found in African unity.
Divided we areweak; united, Africa could become one of the greatest forces
forgood in the world.Although most Africans are poor, our continent is
potentiallyextremely rich. Our mineral resources, which are being exploitedwith
foreign capital only to enrich foreign investors, range fromgold and diamonds to
uranium and petroleum. Our forests containsome of the finest woods to be grown
anywhere. Our cash cropsinclude cocoa, coffee, rubber, tobacco and cotton. As for
power,which is an important factor in any economic development, Africacontains
over 40% of the potential water power of the world, ascompared with about 10%
in Europe and 13% in North America. Yetso far, less than 1% has been developed.
This is one of the reasonswhy we have in Africa the paradox of poverty in the midst
of plenty,and scarcity in the midst of abundance.Never before have a people had
within their grasp so great anopportunity for developing a continent endowed with
so much wealth.Individually, the independent states of Africa, some of them
potentiallyrich, others poor, can do little for their people. Together, bymutual help,
they can achieve much. But the economic developmentof the continent must be
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planned and pursued as a whole. A looseconfederation designed only for economic
co-operation would notprovide the necessary unity of purpose. Only a strong
politicalunion can bring about full and effective development of our
naturalresources for the benefit of our people.The political situation in Africa today
is heartening and at thesame time disturbing. It is heartening to see so many new
flagshoisted in place of the old; it is disturbing to see so many countriesof varying
sizes and at different levels of development, weakand, in some cases, almost
helpless. If this terrible state offragmentation is allowed to continue it may well be
disastrousfor us all.There are at present some 28 states in Africa, excluding the
Unionof South Africa, and those countries not yet free. No less thannine of these
states have a population of less than three million.Can we seriously believe that the
colonial powers meant thesecountries to be independent, viable states? The
example of SouthAmerica, which has as much wealth, if not more than North
America,and yet remains weak and dependent on outside interests, is onewhich
every African would do well to study.Critics of African unity often refer to the wide
differences inculture, language and ideas in various parts of Africa. This istrue, but
the essential fact remains that we are all Africans,and have a common interest in
the independence of Africa. Thedifficulties presented by questions of language,
culture and differentpolitical systems are not insuperable. If the need for
politicalunion is agreed by us all, then the will to create it is born;and where there’s
a will there’s a way.The present leaders of Africa have already shown a
remarkablewillingness to consult and seek advice among themselves. Africanshave,
indeed, begun to think continentally. They realise thatthey have much in common,
both in their past history, in theirpresent problems and in their future hopes. To
suggest that thetime is not yet ripe for considering a political union of Africais to
evade the facts and ignore realities in Africa today.The greatest contribution that
Africa can make to the peace ofthe world is to avoid all the dangers inherent in
disunity, bycreating a political union which will also by its success, standas an
example to a divided world. A Union of African states willproject more effectively
the African personality. It will commandrespect from a world that has regard only
for size and influence.The scant attention paid to African opposition to the French
atomictests in the Sahara, and the ignominious spectacle of the U.N.in the Congo
quibbling about constitutional niceties while theRepublic was tottering into anarchy,
are evidence of the callousdisregard of African Independence by the Great
Powers.We have to prove that greatness is not to be measured in stockpilesof atom
bombs. I believe strongly and sincerely that with thedeep-rooted wisdom and
dignity, the innate respect for human lives,the intense humanity that is our
heritage, the African race, unitedunder one federal government, will emerge not as
just anotherworld bloc to flaunt its wealth and strength, but as a Great
Powerwhose greatness is indestructible because it is built not on fear,envy and
suspicion, nor won at the expense of others, but foundedon hope, trust, friendship
and directed to the good of all mankind.The emergence of such a mighty stabilising
force in this strife-wornworld should be regarded not as the shadowy dream of a
visionary,but as a practical proposition, which the peoples of Africa can,and should,
translate into reality. There is a tide in the affairsof every people when the moment
strikes for political action.Such was the moment in the history of the United States
of Americawhen the Founding Fathers saw beyond the petty wranglings of
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theseparate states and created a Union. This is our chance. We mustact now.
Tomorrow may be too late and the opportunity will havepassed, and with it the
hope of free Africa’s survival.
From Kwame Nkrumah, I Speak of Freedom: A Statement of AfricanIdeology
(London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1961), pp. xi-xiv.
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This text is part of the Internet Modern History Sourcebook.The Sourcebook is a
collection of public domain and copy-permittedtexts for introductory level classes in
modern European and Worldhistory. Unless otherwise indicated the specific
electronic form of thedocument is copyright. Permission is granted for electronic
copying,distribution in print form for educational purposes and personaluse. If you
do reduplicate the document, indicate the source.No permission is granted for
commercial use of the Sourcebook.(c)Paul Halsall Aug 1997
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The Internet History Sourcebooks Project is located at the History
Department of Fordham University, New York. The Internet Medieval Sourcebook,
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Center for Medieval Studies in providing web space and server support for the
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IHSP seeks to follow all applicable copyright law, Fordham University is not the
institutional owner, and is not liable as the result of any legal action.
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