University of Florida Dumb Luck and Modernization Essay There are no prompts for any of the papers. A significant portion of the intellectual work comes in

University of Florida Dumb Luck and Modernization Essay There are no prompts for any of the papers. A significant portion of the intellectual work comes in formulating the question. Consequently, I don’t provide prompts. You should read the texts and examine them in terms of their historical significance — after all, this is not an literature class. What can we learn about the periods considered in the text? What were the author’s concerns? How do these books illuminate larger trends/meanings from the period? Why might they be worth reading in a history class?Further, the lack of prompt allows each of you to pursue the topics/themes/arguments that strike you as most compelling. There are dozens of possible papers from each of the texts. What interests you in the assigned reading?Your papers should have an argument, and not simply rehash the general narrative. Contents
Acknowledgments
vii
Introduction: Vu Trc;mg PhlJng’s Dumb Luck and the Nature
of Vietnamese Modernism 1
Dumb Luck by Vu Trc,mg PhlJng
Note on Translation
31
32
1
Red-Haired Xuan’s Luck in Love • Mr. and Mrs. Civilization
• The Compassion of Mrs . Deputy Customs Officer 33
2
Unlucky Stars: Quan Phu and Thai Tue • Alas for Our People!
Civilization Ruined! • Police and Police Fines 42
3
Son of Heaven, Son of Buddha • The Reincarnation of the
Famous Soothsayer Quy Coe Tu • A Suspicious Case 49
4
The Anger ofHo”m Thu • Art for Life’s Sake • The Products
of Europeanization 57
5
A Lesson in Progress for Red-Haired Xuan • Two Views about
Family and Society • A Horned Husband 65
6
Tennis Court Problems Again • Life in a Civilized Family
• Red-Haired Xuan Leaps into Science 73
7
A Living Person’s Will • A Scientific Debate • Love-What
Else Are You Waiting For? 80
8
Victory for the Common People in the Europeanization Shop
• A Financial Plot • A Love Plot 88
Acknowledgments
The publication of this translation of St{ Do is made possible by
permission granted by Vii Trc;mg Ph1,mg’s son-in-law, Nghiem Xuan
San.
The translation and introduction were completed with financial
support provided by the Helman Family Faculty Fund, the University of California Committee on Research, and the University of
California Pacific Rim Research Program. The latter grant was secured thanks to the initiative of David Del Testa .
This project remains deeply indebted to
Nguyen An, who
helped to guide our efforts at every stage of the interlinked processes of research, translation, and writing. We have also benefited
from extensive advice and support provided by three trail-blazing
scholars of VG Trc;mg Ph1,mg’s work: Hoang Thie’u San, Van Tam,
and
Dang
We were fortunate to receive additional
assistance in Hanoi from Tr’an Dang Thao,
Duy Anh, Hoang NgQC
Hie’n,
Cong Minh, Thanh Chau, Ha Minh Ehle, and Phan
Cv
Among the friends, colleagues, and family members who read
and critiqued drafts of various versions of the manuscript, we especially wish to acknowledge Basil Guy whose keen editorial eye and
remarkably detailed suggestions improved the manuscript in numerous ways. We also profited from the constructive comments of John
Balaban, Rita Kipp Smith, Craig Reynolds, Vasudha Dalmia, Priya
Joshi, Nancy Peluso, Sylvia Tiwon, Christoph Giebel, Micheline
Lessard, Liu Xin, and Joy Zinoman. We were touched and energized
by Le Tht Tha’m Van, Keith Taylor, Benedict Anderson, Hazel Hahn,
Eva-Lotta Hedman, John Connelly, Irwin Scheiner, Gene Irschick,
Andrew Barshay, Anthony Reid, John Whitmore, Cong
Ton
Nfr Th! Nha Trang, Yeh Wen-hsin, and Fred Wakeman Jr. As with all
Acknowledgments
of our research and writing on Vietnamese history and literature,
this project owes something intangible to the long-term comradeship of Birgit Hussfeld, Hans Schodder, and Jim Carlson.
A special thanks as well to Christopher Goscha and Agathe
Larcher, who helped with several tricky problems of translation and
facilitated the library and archival research in France upon which
much of the introduction is based.
It is impossible to say enough about the role of David Chandler,
Ingrid Erickson, and Marcia LaBrenz at the University of Michigan
Press. Without their gentle prodding and unflagging encouragement, it is unlikely that this project would ever have been brought to
completion.
Finally, we thank our son, Alexander Thien, for bringing us untold joy utterly unrelated to this project. We close with an expression
of gratitude, love, and admiration for our four parents,
Cong Minh, Le Thi Kim Chi, Murray Zinoman, and Joy Zinoman.
viii
Introduction
Vo Tr9ng Phyng’s Dumb Luck and the Nature
of Vietnamese Modernism
Peter Zinoman
During the late-colonial decade of the 1930s Vu Tn;mg Phl,mg produced a body of writing that stands today as the single most remarkable individual achievement in modern Vietnamese literature. In a
graveside eulogy to the writer delivered in Hanoi on 15 October
1939, the celebrated “new poet” Luu TrQng Lu likened his late
friend ‘s significance within the literary life of his day to Balzac’s role
in nineteenth-century France. “Vu Tr9ng Phl,mg’s work exposes and
condemns all that is ugly, corrupt, and grotesque about humankind
during our era,” Lu declared. “VO Tr9ng Phl,l.ng is to VO TrQng
Pht,mg’s era what Balzac was to Balzac’s era.” 1 Lu’s analogy pointed
to obvious affinities between the remarkably panoramic account of
interwar Vietnamese society depicted in Phl,l.ng’s oeuvre and The
Human Comedy’s comprehensive collective portrait of nineteenthcentury France. It also conveyed something of Phl,J.ng’s extraordinary
productivity. At the time of his death Phl,J.ng had completed at least
eight novels, seven plays, five book-length works of nonfiction reportage, several dozen short stories, a handful of lengthy literary
translations, and hundreds of reviews, essays, articles, and editorials.2 If this inventory of output appears less than Balzacian, it must be
recalled that, when he died from the combined effects of tuberculosis
Dumb Luck
and opium addiction, Vu Tn;mg Phi,mg was one week shy of his
twenty-seventh birthday.
Phi,mg’s acknowledged satirical masterpiece, Dumb Luck, was published first in serial form in the Hanoi Newspaper (Ha N9i Bao) starting
on 7 October 1936, five months after the Popular Front took power in
France. The electoral victory of the new government-formed through
an alliance of Communists, Socialists, and Radicals-abruptly transformed the political climate of French Indochina. 3 Not only were the
Socialists and Communists traditional opponents of colonial policy,
but the platform of the new government called for a “parliamentary
commission to investigate the political, economic, and moral situation in the overseas French territories.”4 Prime Minister Leon Blum
placed the Ministry of Colonies in the hands of Marius Moutet, a
well-known critic of colonial abuses and advocate of “colonisation
altruiste.” 5 Hopes for a significant liberalization of colonial policy
soared as the newly appointed governor-general, Jules Brevie, promulgated Indochina’s first labor code, amnestied thousands of political prisoners, and relaxed censorship. Toward the end of the year
scores of strikes broke out involving tens of thousands of workers,
and breathless appeals for fundamental political reforms rang out
from a newly energized press. 6
As with all novels, Dumb Luck embodies something of the particular time and place in which it was produced. The sunny optimism of
its madcap narrative reflects the euphoria with which many Vietnamese greeted the Popular Front victory. Recurring references to “progress” (tie’n b9), “science” (khoa h9c), “social reform” (di each xa h9i),
“womens’ rights” (nu quy@n), “the sporting movement” (phong trao
thao), “civilization” (van minh), “modernity” (tan thai), and “Europeanization” (Au h6a) recall the progressive language and modernizing ethos that dominated public discourse during the era . A widespread obsession with the “common people” (blnh clan) and the
“popular movement” (phong trao blnh clan) illustrate the growth in
Indochina of a newly fashionable populist sensibility. Dumb Luck’s
remarkably diverse cast of characters (roughly thirty in all) reflects the
rise during the late colonial era of a colorful array of new social types:
the urban vagrant, the professional athlete, the fashion designer, the
medical specialist, the avant-garde artist, the foreign-educated student, the crusading journalist, and the “new” woman.
Moreover, Dumb Luck’s preoccupation with market relations re2
Introduction
fleets the acceleration of capitalist development in Indochina during
the interwar years. The profit motive animates nearly every character in the novel from the lowliest vagabond to the most idealistic
social reformer. The emergence of a predatory business class is dramatized in the character of Victor Ban, with his diversified holdings
in brothels, hotels, pharmaceuticals, and venereal disease clinics.
Economic metaphors saturate the text as in the depiction of police
officers yawning “like merchants during a recession” and greeting a
repeat offender “like a regular customer of a family business.” Not
even religion is exempt from the entrepreneurial spirit of the age as
exemplified by the Buddhist monk Tang Phu’s crass efforts to enhance recruitment and donations for his order.
Dumb Luck also reveals an array of quasi-universal sensations-an
urban sensibility, a cosmopolitan orientation, a growing skepticism
about the transparency and reliability of language, and heightened
feelings of irony and impotence-connected to the rapid, unexpected changes that characterize the modern age more generally. 7
While such changes were highlighted during the dramatic early
months of the Popular Front era, many Vietnamese had come to
perceive them as elements of a permanent existential condition that
began with the colonial conquest in the mid-nineteenth century and
intensified as a result of tumultuous economic and political transformations during the two decades following World War I. In 1930 a
decade-long postwar boom abruptly gave way to violent political
confrontations between the colonial state and an array of anticolonial forces followed by intense state repression and punishing
years of economic stagnation and decline.B For many Vietnamese
who lived through these turbulent years, the Popular Front victory
was viewed less as a single moment of radical break than as another
episode within a new historical trajectory marked by constant rupture and transition-a trajectory that even the colonial state was
powerless to control.
Although thoughtful Vietnamese observers were not unaware of
the powerful global forces altering their comer of the world during
the era, it is not surprising that traditional conceptions of change
continued to shape their apprehensions of these modern transformations. Indeed, Dumb Luck owes its title to one such conception-the
astrological notion of so’ (fate)-which had long provided a framework for most Vietnamese to cope with ordinary and unexpected
3
Dumb Luck
fluctuations in their lives. 9 Dumb Luck’s preoccupation with sffembodied in the recurring appearance throughout the narrative of
fortune-tellers, omens, and prophesies-suggests an effort to mine
Vietnamese tradition for a means to domesticate and make sense of
the essentially unpredictable and accidental character of modern life.
Indeed, the distinctive character of Vietnamese modernism-defined
as the cultural expression of a critical and self-reflexive attitude toward social, political, and economic modernization-may be found
in the incongruity of the historical coexistence of traditional epistemologies and modernizing development and by the efforts of Vietnamese intellectuals to discover a suitable aesthetic form to express
their subjective experience of this incongruity.
As a pioneering Vietnamese modernist, it is no coincidence that
Vii Tr9ng Phl,lilg’s brief life dovetailed with colonial Indochina’s most
intense period of social, economic, and political modernization. In
addition to having lived through the war, the boom years, the rising
tide of anticolonial violence, the Depression, and the victory of the
Popular Front, Ph1p1g experienced the radical linguistic and educational changes of the early 1920s, the rapid growth of print capitalism, and the massive influx into Vietnamese society of Western
mores and customs. Nor is it surprising that he produced his remarkable body of work from within the heart of Hanoi, the ancient cradle
of Vietnamese civilization, which capitalism and the colonial administration were rapidly transforming into a bustling metropolis. Indeed,
the turbulent ebb and flow of Pht,mg’s fleeting life, unstable times,
and transitory environment provide a revealing window into the
origins of Dumb Luck’s innovative modernist sensibility.
Vii Tr9ng Pht,mg was born in Hanoi on 20 October 1912, the only
child of working-class parents. 10 His father, VG Van Lan, was the
son of a landless village official from the My Hao district of what was
then Httng Yen Province. As a young man, Pht,mg’s father migrated
several hundred kilometers northeast to Hanoi, where he found
work as an electrician at the Charles Boillot Garage.11 Pht,mg’s
mother, Phc:tm Thi Khach, worked as a seamstress after moving to
Hanoi from Hoai Due, a western suburb of the capital located in Ha
Dong Province. 12 Like many new rural migrants to the city, Pht,mg’s
parents rented a tiny apartment in the 36 Streets, Hanoi’s densely
4
Introduction
populated commercial quarter. Seven months after Pht,mg’s birth his
father died from tuberculosis, leaving his mother a widow at the
tender age of twenty-one.13
In an idiosyncratic study of the writer-part psychobiography,
part personal memoir-published in 1941, two years after he died,
his close friend Lan Khai suggested that the most influential person
in Pht,mg’s life was his mother, who raised and supported him
single-handedly following the death of her husband.14 According to
Khai, his mother’s selfless devotion to Pht,mg saved him from a life
of “hunger and vagabondage,” a comment reflecting traditional Vietnamese anxieties about the likely plight of fatherless boys.1s As
Pht,mg’s medical condition worsened during the late 1930s, visitors
to his apartment on Hang Bi;lc (Silver) Street observed that it was his
mother, and not his wife, who sat at his bedside fanning him late
into the evening. “Everyone who visited Pht,mg’s house was struck
by the extraordinary love of the widow for her son,” Khai remarked,
“a love that was both intense and tender.” 16 He also praised Pht,mg’s
mother for refusing to remarry despite her youth. It is tempting to
locate the origins of Pht,mg’s well-known reservations about the
“new Vietnamese woman” and conservative fondness for Confucian
morality in the traditional model of female virtue provided by his
mother. Indeed, his mother’s fidelity to her deceased husband
stands in sharp contrast to the serial infidelity of the twice-widowed
Mrs. Deputy Customs Officer-arguably the most sustained object
of ridicule in Dumb Luck.
While Pht,mg’s traditional moralism may or may not be connected
to the influence of his mother, there is no question that his famously
urban literary sensibility grew out of his lifelong residence in the 36
Streets.17 An indigenous mixed-use urban agglomeration, the 36
Streets comprised a tangle of narrow winding lanes, each named after
the single specialized item-sugar, silver, silk, traditional medicine,
or votive paper, for example-sold or produced there. Honeycombed
behind rows of shop house facades lining the streets were clusters of
residential units, storage spaces, workshops, and courtyards for light
and ventilation. Broad paved sidewalks separated the streets from the
facades and provided the setting for much of the district’s spirited
social and commercial life. In addition to the bustle of everyday commerce, life on the sidewalk was animated by the daily influx into the
36 Streets of itinerant peddlers, porters, rickshaw pullers, shoe shine
5
Dumb Luck
boys, pickpockets, prostitutes, policemen, beggars, buskers, tourists,
and ftaneurs . Residential units tended to be small and overcrowded,
and hence all manner of private, even intimate, activities took place
on the sidewalk in full public view.
Since Ph1,mg lived most of his life in cramped quarters within the
36 Streets, it is not surprising that sidewalk scenes figure prominently in many of his writings; one critic has even referred to Dumb
Luck as a “sidewalk novel.”18 Indeed, its opening chapter portrays
the motley denizens of one stretch of pavement-a fortune-teller, a
sugarcane vendor, the owner of a lemonade stand, and Xuan the
ball boy-trading gossip, flirting, exchanging headlines, and haggling over prices. Above the din may be heard “the patter of tennis
balls and a scorekeeper’s voice” ringing out from a nearby tennis
club. Not only does the juxtaposition of sidewalk chatter with the
sounds of the club embody the dissonant cacophony of city life, but
it reflects the promiscuous jumble of social classes that endowed
daily life in the 36 Streets with the democratic ambience of urban
modernity.
The high profile of poor and underworld elements in the 36 Streets
parallels the preoccupation with marginal social groups found in
Ph1,111g’s nonfiction reportage-prostitutes in V.D. Clinic (L1,1c Xi),
gamblers and con-men in The Man Trap
Ngueri), domestic
workers in Household Seroants (CO’m Th’ay CO’m Co), and actors in
Clown Make-Up (Ve Nhc;> Boi
The 36 Streets also provided an
excellent vantage point to observe the lifestyles and public behavior of
rich and famous residents of the city, many of whom served as models
for Ph1,1ng’s fictional characters, including some of the major figures
in Dumb Luck. 19 Mrs. Deputy Customs Officer, for example, was probably based on Madame Be Ty, the widow of a French official whose
opulent villa-replete with gold statues, rare birds, and monkey
cages- was located down the block from Ph1,1ng’s apartment on
Hang
Street. Victor Ban conjures images of the self-promoting
pharmaceutical giant H6ng Khe, while the entrepreneurial monk
Tang Phu resembles
Nang Quoc, the founding editor of the
glossy Buddhist newspaper the Torch of Wisdom (Du6c
The urban sensibility of Dumb Luck also comes across in the way its
frenetic narrative and chaotic language embody the pace and feel of
city life. Red-Haired Xuan’s improbable social ascent in the novelfrom ball boy to salesman to doctor to social reformer to tennis cham6
Introduction
pion to politician to national hero-takes place in a mere five months.
According to the critic D8 We
Dumb Luck conveys the “random and unstable spirit of the city” through the “atonal” cadences of
its dialogue, the “abrupt broken rhythms” of its structure, and the
repeated use of mood-shifting words and phrases such as suddenly
(chQ’t and b6ng), accidentally (tinh ca), at that moment (vita luc ay), and
abruptly (d9t ng9t).20 “Vu Tr9ng Phv.ng is Vietnam’s most urban
writer,”
concludes, “and Dumb Luck is a one-hundred percent
urban novel.” 21
Phv.ng’s fixation with the urban environment reflects the rapid,
metastasizing growth of his native Hanoi during the early twentieth
century. 22 Over the course of several decades the colonial state transformed the city from a regional administrative center linked to a
small commercial town into an important industrial zone, a commercial hub for Tonkin’s abundant mineral wealth, and the political capital of French Indochina. The Bureau of Public Works filled in hundreds of malarial ponds and swamps, destroyed the imperial citadel,
laid out a residential French Quarter, built a monumental complex of
government buildings, paved and widened the 36 Streets, and introduced electric street-lights and a modern sewage system. It also promoted the circulation of traffic through the city by tearing down the
gates fronting each of the 36 Streets, demolishing the Vauban-style
fortifications that separated the citadel from the town, and introducing bicycles, trams, automobiles, and rickshaws. During Phv.ng’s
childhood and teenage years the sensation of urban transition was
intensified by the postwar boom. Economic growth reached record
levels in the 1920s, driven by high prices for Indochinese export
commodities and a rapid increase in capital investment.23 With industrial expansion and the growth of an urban service sector, the population of Hanoi almost doubled, from 75,000 in 1921 to 128,000 in
1931.24 The economy collapsed with the onset of the Depression, but
Hanoi’s population continued to swell as deteriorating conditions in
the countryside forced cultivators off their land. By 1937 over 154,000
people were crammed into the city, including a large floating po…
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