FAS370 Arizona State University Assesing a Family Leave Legislation Your assignment this week is to do some research on current  legislation on family leav

FAS370 Arizona State University Assesing a Family Leave Legislation Your assignment this week is to do some research on current  legislation on family leave policies either local or that are being  debated at the federal level (https://www.senate.gov/legislative/bills_acts_laws.htm (Links to an external site.))  . Read up on one of the bills that is being debated, the draft a letter  in support of (or against if you chose) the legislation using the  readings from Modules 2 and 3 as SUPPORT for your argument. Remember to  argue with fact and not opinion, and be respectful. 

Things to consider as you craft your response:

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1.Who benefits from this legislation?

2.How will children benefit from the proposed legislation?

3.How might a person’s race, class or gender impact inequalities in  this policy in this country (ie, in the USA FLMA is unpaid unless a  person has accrued vacation or sick time to use. This creates a  disadvantage for the working poor that often don’t get benefits and  can’t afford to take unpaid leave).

4.Are people with relatively little power (think about the intersectionality quiz) being considered?

Remember,

You need at least 2 citations and references, one from the course  content this week and one for the bill you are writing in favor of (or  against).

Book- Notions of family : Intersectional perspectives

chapter form book- INTERSECTIONALITY AND WORK–FAMILY BALANCE: A STUDY OF BLACK, WHITE, AND MEXICAN-AMERICAN ADULTS

Reference

Kohlman, M. H., Krieg, D. B., & Dickerson, B. J. (Eds.). (2013). Notions of family : Intersectional perspectives. Retrieved from https://ebookcentral-proquest-com.ezproxy1.lib.asu… INTERSECTIONALITY AND
WORK–FAMILY BALANCE: A
STUDY OF BLACK, WHITE, AND
MEXICAN-AMERICAN ADULTS
Rashawn Ray and Pamela Braboy Jackson
ABSTRACT
Purpose – Utilizing the intersectionality framework, this study examines
how a racially diverse group of adults aim to balance work–family life.
Copyright © 2013. Emerald Publishing Limited. All rights reserved.
Methodology/approach – This chapter uses qualitative data from the
Intersections of Family, Work, and Health Study consisting of 132 black,
white, and Mexican-American adults.
Findings – We ?nd that socioeconomic status and marriage provide social
and economic capital to more easily ful?ll role obligations. Individuals
with more capital have more choices and are offered a chess board and a
variety of pieces to facilitate the goal of creating work–family harmony.
Individuals with less capital end up with less job ?exibility and play
checkers through rigid concrete roles because work decisions are in the
hands of their employers instead of their own.
Social implications – This chapter sheds light on the in?uence of high
social status and the ability some individuals have to maximize both job
Notions of Family: Intersectional Perspectives
Advances in Gender Research, Volume 17, 241–262
Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved
ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2013)0000017014
241
Notions of Family : Intersectional Perspectives, edited by Marla H. Kohlman, et al., Emerald Publishing Limited, 2013.
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242
RASHAWN RAY AND PAMELA BRABOY JACKSON
?exibility and autonomy in managing work–family life. As we show
here, married middle-class whites are able to manage work–family
life better than professional black single mothers and working class
Mexican Americans by having the ability to choose to play checkers
or chess.
Originality/value of chapter – We argue that the concept of ‘‘balancing’’
does little to express the ways individuals negotiate the constraints of
work and family. By using an intersectionality perspective, we show that
conceptualizing work–family life as ‘‘checkers or chess’’ games allow for
the cognitive process of decision making (in terms of, for example, time
pressures and perceived role demands) to be assessed more ef?ciently
across work–family domains.
Copyright © 2013. Emerald Publishing Limited. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Family functioning; work; intersectionality; race; gender;
social class
The study of the family initially garnered the attention of sociologists when
Thomas and Znaniecki (1918–1920) presented their extensive work entitled
The Polish Peasant. Since that time there has been a relative dearth of
qualitative research in scienti?c journals on families (see Ambert, Adler,
Adler, & Detzner, 1995; LaRossa & Wolf, 1985 for a discussion of this
issue) and even less on ethnic minority families coupled with social class
and gender considerations (see Landry, 2000; Taylor, Chatters, Tucker, &
Lewis, 1990 for exceptions). A select group of scholars challenge the ?eld to
embrace the complexity of family life that might integrate a variety of niches
of inequality as they pertain to the family (see Allen, 2000; Murry, Smith, &
Hill, 2001), while others call for a broader intellectual acknowledgment
of the actual diversity that exists across and within families (Allen, 2000;
Perry-Jenkins, Pierce, Haley, & Goldberg, 1999).
In this chapter, we adopt the intersectionality paradigm to view the
articulation of family from the vantage point of multiple axes of status
difference (Schulz & Mullings, 2006; Weber & Parra-Medina, 2003). An
extrapolation of intersectionality theory is that race, gender, and social class
intertwine to create unique but perhaps contentious identities (Jackson &
Cummings, 2011; Ray, 2008), attached to which are resources that facilitate
the ability to negotiate the worlds of work and family (Aumann, Galinksy, &
Matos, 2008; Gerson, 2010; Hochschild & Machung, 1989). We argue that
adaptational responses to work and family life are racialized, gendered, and
Notions of Family : Intersectional Perspectives, edited by Marla H. Kohlman, et al., Emerald Publishing Limited, 2013.
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Intersectional Approach to Work–Family Balance
243
Copyright © 2013. Emerald Publishing Limited. All rights reserved.
driven by social class location – all at the same time. We insist that the
current view of work and family life (as a balance) among American families
is too simplistic in its visual imagery and does not capture the myriad of
ways in which adults (even those within the same family) attempt to combine
work and family across the life course. In this study, we ask, how do a
diverse group of adults describe their efforts to achieve balance in work and
family life?
To examine these issues, we present responses to a subset of items taken
from a larger study entitled ‘‘The Intersections of Family, Work, and Health
Study’’ (see Jackson, 2004). The data used in this study answers the call for
more inclusive research across racial/ethnic groups as well as the need to
move family research beyond the dual-earner or nuclear family model
(Collins, 2000). We do not attempt to reach universal conclusions with this
approach, but we hope to demonstrate that family behavior is ‘‘grounded
in socialization and power relations’’ regardless of how work and family
roles are managed (Henderson, 1994). By considering patterns of family life
across groups as well as providing a platform for the voices of multiple
family members to be heard (thus capturing some level of within-group
variation), we articulate the similarities and differences in how adults pursue
work–family balance.
WORK–FAMILY DOMAIN: A PRESSING REALITY
FOR MEN AND WOMEN
The work–family interface is a pressing reality for most Americans. First,
there are twice as many dual-earner couples as there are traditional male
breadwinner/female homemaker families (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Dualearner is also the prevalent household type among couples with children in
the home (at 64%) and couples with children under the age of 6 (57%) (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2010). More strikingly, about 75% of married mothers with
school-aged children were in the paid labor force in 2005 (Cohany & Sok,
2007).
Second, single mothers joined the workforce in large numbers in the
middle 1990s (Blank, 2002). In fact, the labor force participation rate
among single mothers grew from 57% in 1994 to 75% in 2000 (Meyer &
Rosenbaum, 2000; Mishel, Bernstein, & Boushey, 2003). Eighty-?ve percent
of all single-parent households are maintained by women; of these households, 65% of the mothers are employed full-time. Although a smaller
Notions of Family : Intersectional Perspectives, edited by Marla H. Kohlman, et al., Emerald Publishing Limited, 2013.
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244
RASHAWN RAY AND PAMELA BRABOY JACKSON
percentage of households are single-father households, 73% of these fathers
are in the paid labor force (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010).
Third, racial differences in household type mark the American landscape.
Ninety-two percent of black women, compared to 82% of white women,
with school-aged children are in the labor force (Landry, 2000). About 85%
of African-American middle-class wives, 25–44 years old, with young
children were employed by the mid-1990s. This ?gure is in marked contrast
to the 68% of comparable white women during this time period. The United
States has also witnessed an increase in the proportion of Mexican
immigrant women who participate in the paid labor force. While there are
clear patterns of occupational segregation among Mexican Americans
(Catanzarite, 2000, 2002), the feminization of the migration stream indicates
that work–family issues are equally salient across this context.
Regardless of race/ethnicity, research suggests that few married-couple
families could maintain their current standards of living without two incomes
(Heckert, Nowak, & Snyder, 1998; Gerson, 2010). Furthermore, the notable
second shift (where working wives often come home to contend with
housework and childcare responsibilities) is most prevalent among dualearner families with children under the age of 6 (Sayer, England, Bittman, &
Bianchi, 2009) and dual-earner couples experience more work–family strain
than their single-earner counterparts (Duxbury, Higgins, & Lee, 1994). At
the same time, dual-earner couples often have access to a wider range of
resources that may help ameliorate work–family balance issues than single
parents (Haddock, Zimmerman, Ziemba, & Lyness, 2006). Given the
diversity in household types and the notable changes in family structure
over the past few decades, the challenges facing working parents remain
important topics of study.
WORK–FAMILY DOMAIN: GENDER–RACE–CLASS
AS SOURCES OF COMPLEXITY
Despite the reality of the interface between work and family obligations,
there remains little effort to embrace the complex picture that emerges from
the broader sociological literature when we consider the divergent work–
family experiences across gender, race, and social class divides. As noted by
other scholars, if families somehow manage to combine work and family
responsibilities, we assume that they have successfully ‘‘balanced’’ these
roles (Crompton & Lyonette, 2006). This view of work and family is void
Notions of Family : Intersectional Perspectives, edited by Marla H. Kohlman, et al., Emerald Publishing Limited, 2013.
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Created from asulib-ebooks on 2019-09-09 18:30:51.
Copyright © 2013. Emerald Publishing Limited. All rights reserved.
Intersectional Approach to Work–Family Balance
245
of the depth embedded in these important social roles. Furthermore, when
we only apply a quantitative numerical value to ‘‘balance’’ we lose the
opportunity to discover the creative ways people manage the tensions and
pressures of daily activities (see Dillaway & Broman, 2001 for a similar
stance). Our work provides a platform to illuminate how adults from a
variety of backgrounds strategize to achieve some acceptable degree of
equilibrium between work and family.
Work–family balance often refers to ‘‘a global assessment that work and
family resources are suf?cient to meet work and family demands such that
participation is effective in both domains’’ (Voydanoff, 2005, p. 825).
According to a recent national survey (Taylor, Funk, & Clark, 2007), there
has been a marked shift in preferences for full-time work among working
mothers: in 1997, 32% of working mothers said the ideal situation for them
is to work full-time compared to just 21% in 2007. In 2007, a higher
percentage (60%) of working mothers said they prefer to be working parttime compared to those in 1997 (48%). Mothers who work full-time give
themselves lower ratings as parents than their peers who are working parttime or who are not in the paid labor force. Likewise, in a study of 1,000
fathers who work in white-collar occupations, Harrington and colleagues
(2011) ?nd that almost 60% report an inability to get housework and care
giving duties accomplished because of their work responsibilities. Not
surprisingly then, a substantial percentage of fathers (60%) and mothers
(50%) in dual-earner households continue to have dif?culty managing
family and work life (Aumann et al., 2008).
The ability to balance work and family obligations is typically viewed
from a gender role perspective. Here, perceptions of work–family-?t
typically fall along traditional gender lines where men’s work role takes
precedence over family roles and women are expected to give priority to
family roles even if they are working outside of the home (Gutek, Searle, &
Klepa, 1991). In a national survey, 72% of fathers say the ideal situation
for them is to be in a full-time job (Taylor et al., 2007). Simon (1995) ?nds in
her sample of 40 white, employed, married parents that most women view
their work and family roles as independent life domains, whereas men view
being a good father as contingent on providing economic support to their
families. In other words, part of the cognitive schema of a father includes
provider, perhaps making it easier for men to perceive role balance if they
are employed (see Ray, 2008).
Many minority women have not been privileged to embrace the middleclass gendered division of labor, often as a result of various structural
constraints (Coontz, 1992; Collins, 2004). The tenuousness of employment
Notions of Family : Intersectional Perspectives, edited by Marla H. Kohlman, et al., Emerald Publishing Limited, 2013.
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246
RASHAWN RAY AND PAMELA BRABOY JACKSON
opportunities for black and immigrant men, for example, leads to some
women feeling compelled to work for pay. This has been the case throughout
history for African-American women. Thus, an alternative view of work–
family balance suggests that gender roles are socially constructed entities that
vary across contexts.
We argue that intersectionality provides a useful frame by which we can
come to appreciate the ways adults manage work–family issues. As suggested by the range of studies cited above, there is reason to believe that
race, gender, and social class combine in very interesting ways to exacerbate
(or minimize) group differences in the experience of work and family;
therefore, we seek to provide insight into how adults describe the way they
‘‘do’’ family when faced with the question of work–family balance.
Copyright © 2013. Emerald Publishing Limited. All rights reserved.
CHECKERS OR CHESS
While some adults may feel that they are juggling their work and family
responsibilities on a daily basis, we ?nd that more appropriate ‘‘gaming’’
language would be ‘‘checkers’’ or ‘‘chess.’’ There are certain aspects of these
games that we wish to highlight as they capture much of the narratives
provided by our families when asked about balancing work and family. Of
course, some aspects of these popular games are irrelevant. For example,
both games are two-player games, but we do not mean to insinuate that
work–family issues must be understood in the context of a two-parent
household. Work and family are patterns of social relations that can change
across the individual life course. Below we describe the important components of these board games that map onto some of the lived experiences
of our study respondents.
Checkers is a board game that involves a series of diagonal moves of
uniform pieces (all are the same) with the goal of reaching the opponent’s
last row on the board while taking all of her/his pieces. There are several
notable rules to the American version of this game with the most dominant
being the inability to make a move into an occupied square. The only time a
player can move a piece across multiple squares along a diagonal is if they
reach their opponents end and are ‘‘crowned’’ king status. Now, they can
make moves forward or backward but only into unoccupied spaces. A king
can also make successive jumps across multiple spaces on the board as long
as the purpose is to acquire the opponent’s pieces. The person who has no
remaining pieces or cannot move their remaining pieces is designated the
loser of the game.
Notions of Family : Intersectional Perspectives, edited by Marla H. Kohlman, et al., Emerald Publishing Limited, 2013.
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Copyright © 2013. Emerald Publishing Limited. All rights reserved.
Intersectional Approach to Work–Family Balance
247
In the ?gurative sense of family roles, checkers are played via rigid
concrete roles for men and women. Checkers mostly align with gender role
patterns before the 1970s where men served as providers and women served
as house workers and caregivers. When partners play checkers, family role
expectations are often very clear. One person moves to work, while the other
person moves to cook, clean, and care. Each piece carries equal weight and
can only move one space. In this regard, checkers can be seen as the
traditional model.
Chess is a board game where different types of pieces move along
the board differently. In fact, each player begins with a king. Each piece in
the chess game has its own set of characteristics that allow it to engage the
opposition through threat (moving forward) or retreat (moving backward)
without penalty. You can capture an opponent’s piece by moving them out
of an occupied space on the board. In chess, there are three conclusions:
win, lose, or draw.
Chess, in the context of family, is played via ?uid, constantly renegotiated
social roles. Unlike checkers, all of the chess pieces have different duties and
movements. The action of the other player dictates which piece will move
and when. Many families operate in this way. Each week, and sometimes
daily, partners decide how the next several days will go. Who will take the
kids to ball or band practice? Who will go to the grocery store? Who will
take off from work to take one of the children to the doctor? These are
questions that couples ask and answer regularly. While men and women
may have some distinct roles, such as grocery shopping or mowing the grass,
much of the duties centered on housework and care giving are an everchanging chess game to get each piece of family and work into a position
that makes life manageable.
INTERSECTIONALITY: VITAL FOR RESEARCH ON
FAMILY FUNCTIONING
The intersectionality framework (Choo & Ferree, 2010; Collins, 2004;
Crenshaw, 1991) becomes useful for examining how gender, race, and class
simultaneously in?uence the ability of individuals to even play checkers or
chess. ‘‘The purpose of intersectionality theory within the family literature is
to provide a much needed lens to construct a space for the multiplicity of
social identities and categories that provide context-speci?c scripts for
marginalized groups’’ (Ray, 2008, p. 327). Although useful, the gender role
perspective of work–family balance upholds a traditional model that gives
Notions of Family : Intersectional Perspectives, edited by Marla H. Kohlman, et al., Emerald Publishing Limited, 2013.
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248
RASHAWN RAY AND PAMELA BRABOY JACKSON
scant attention to the speci?c experiences of minority groups and cultures.
A social constructionist view is much more re?ective of the particular
historical patterns noted throughout the family literature (especially those
that account for opportunity structures), but we believe that this perspective
does not provide a parsimonious explanation for similarities found across
groups in regards to family experiences. Intersectionality, on the other hand,
draws attention to points on the…
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