CYB106 WK2 Situational Analysis Global Media & Entertainment industries Paper First read the file : CYB106_Assessment_Task_1 and follow the instructions 10
CYB106 WK2 Situational Analysis Global Media & Entertainment industries Paper First read the file : CYB106_Assessment_Task_1 and follow the instructions 100%Consider the following questions as you read the article for this week, and make sure you answer all parts of the question:How do trade shows function as a cultural space that creates a shared sense of belong among participates, while also articulating hierarchical differences among those who attend? Make sure to discuss one example of each process. [This question relates to the critical thinking skill of discernment and evidence-based reasoning]Why does Havens describe trade shows extravagance as a critical function in the international circulation of television? [This question relates to the critical thinking skill of discernment, resilience, open-mindedness and evidence-based reasoning] A1 Situational Analysis Template Week 2
Client: Cascades Female Factory Historic Site
Missio
n
Business
objective
s
Industry
& SEO
keywords
Competitors
List at least three
competitors
1
Identify
keywords
your
brand
should be
using on
social
media
To be globallyrecognised for
excellence in
telling the
Australian
convict story
through
outstanding
conservation
and tourism
experiences
Increase brand
awareness
Increase brand
advocacy
Increase awareness
of the Australian
convict story
Prison,
women
jail.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
1
2
Kingston and Arthur’s Vale
Historic Area (“KAVHA”), Norfolk
Island.[5]
Old Government House and
Domain (“Old Government
House”), New South Wales.[6]
Hyde Park Barracks, New South
Wales.[7]
Brickendon and Woolmers Estate
s (“BrickendonWoolmers”), Tasmania.[8][9]
Darlington Probation
Station (“Darlington”),
Tasmania.[10]
Old Great North Road, New
South Wales.[11]
Cascades Female Factory
(“Cascades”), Tasmania.[12]
Port Arthur Historic Site (“Port
Arthur”), Tasmania.[13]
Coal Mines Historic Site (“Coal
Mines”), Tasmania.[14]
Cockatoo Island Convict Site
(“Cockatoo Island”), New South
Wales.[15]
Target
market
Description
of the
brands
target
market
based on
informatio
n provided
by the
client2
Current
marketing
campaigns
?
Theme
Tagline
Look
Hashtags
Student
None yet
and schools
and older
ppl
Social
media
presence
List the
social
media
channels
your client
uses
Image of
the
brand
i.e.
coherent
brand
image
across
social
media
channels
?
Instagram
Twitter
Facebook
YouTube
Recommendation
:
Wechat for their
Chinesevistors
which is the
highest.
Two are
Listen
Opinions
about your
brand &
competitor
i.e.
TripAdvisor
, Social
Media (i.e.
use
Facebook
search)
Insights
Strengths
and
weaknesses
of the
brand
Low
engagemen
t mostly
across
platformes
https://neilpatel.com/: useful online resource to identify keywords that can be transformed into hashtags for a social media strategy and/or specific campaign
See information on BB, pre-work activities for Week 2 (PAHSMAs presentation on international visitors)
11.
Mission: Global Recognition
Fremantle Prison, Western
Australia.[16]
COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA
Copyright Regulations 1969
WARNING
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Queensland University of Technology in accordance with section 113P of the Copyright Act 1968
The material in this communication may be subject to copyright under the Act. Any further
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protection under the Act.
Do not remove this notice
Course of Study:
(CYB106) Global Media and Entertainment Industries
Title of work:
Global television marketplace (2006)
Section:
Chapter 3 : Global Television Trade Shows pp. 66–94
Author/editor of work:
Havens, Timothy.
Author of section:
Timothy Havens
Name of Publisher:
BFI
3
Global Television Trade Shows
If the worldwide multiplication and co-ordination of distribution windows has
spurred the development of a global television business culture, global television fairs serve as that culture’s high holidays, where the main categories,
divisions and rhetorics of cohesion become available for analysis. Officially
known as ‘sales markets’ or ‘trade shows’, they include MIP-1V (Marche International des Programmes de Television, or International Television Programme
Market), NATPE (National Association of Television Programme Executives)
and MIPCOM . Each of these global television markets has a slightly different
participant base and business function, but all of them offer condensed microcosms of the business culture. This chapter takes a ritual approach to analysing
global sales markets, demonstrating how the cultural distinctions that the sales
markets provide not only streamline the global exchange of programming, but
also confer prestige on participants, which is one of the most valuable commodities in the global television marketplace. In addition, the sales markets
provide the illusion of scarcity, which is necessary to maintain high prices and
demand for new product.
MAJOR GLOBAL TRADE SHOWS: MIP-TV, NATPE AND MIPCOM
Television programming fairs can be divided into three types: global fairs dedicated to programming trade of all genres from all nations; regional fairs, where
distributors from the region exhibit their wares for international buyers; and
genre-specific fairs that focus on particularly popular international genres, such
as reality programming or documentaries. In addition, television rights for films
are sold at international film festivals. Here, I concentrate on global television
fairs, which serve as the primary sites where members of the global television
sales community come together.
MIP-T1, held every spring in Cannes, France, is the premiere global market
for television programming. Begun in 1963 as a place for European buyers and
American distributors to trade programming, MIP-1V has grown into a truly
international event. As Table 3.1 shows, companies representing more than 100
nations generally attend MIP-1V This number has remained quite constant over
GLOBAL TELEVISION TRADE SHOWS
67
the past decade, attesting to the fair’s international flavour. In addition, the
number of companies has increased by approximately 20 per cent over the past
ten years, reflecting both the growth in international television trade and the
importance of MIP-1V in conducting trade. For many distributors and buyers,
MIP-1V is the only international trade show that they can afford to attend (AlMugaiseeb, 1998). In the late 1990s, Hollywood producers began to scale back
their presence at MIP-Tv, but increases in mid-season replacements, which take
the place of cancelled series on the American broadcast networks beginning in
January, have rejuvenated Hollywood’s interest in MIP-1Vbecause it gives them
a venue for selling such series internationally (Brennan, 2000).
NATPE, held alternately in Las Vegas and New Orleans each January, was
founded in 1963 as a US programming trade show. However, the international
contingent has grown significantly in recent years (see Table 3.1). In fact, the
decision in 1993 to hire Bruce Johansen, a well-known international distributor,
as CEO reflects NATPE’s efforts to be ‘known throughout the global television
industry as the leading association for content professionals’ (NATPE, 2004).
NATPE’s relevance for domestic television syndication has suffered in recent
years due to consolidation in the syndication business and station ownership.
While representatives from hundreds of stations around the country used to buy
programming from dozens of syndication companies, since the relaxation of
ownership regulations in the US Telecommunications Act of 1996, group owners
have swallowed up local stations and centralised programme buying in to a single
corporate office. At the same time, a handful of companies have come to dominate domestic syndication. However, while domestic syndication ‘implodes’
(Johansen, 2001), the international contingent continues to rise, growing more
than 50 per cent between 1996 and 2001 (see Table 3.1).
Table 3.1: Attendance at MIP-TV, MIPCOM and NATPE (1992-2002)
1IIP-1 V
PartiCipants
Countncs
1IIPCOJ1
P.trtlcip.tnts
1992
9008
101
7803
8242
1993
9164
103
1994
9565
8499
99
10,225
107
9240
1995
10,578
1996
104
9776
1997
10,901
103
10,145
10,428
10,518
1998
102
1999
10,791
101
10,571
11 ,786
2000
11,049
9943
200 1
90
10,217
10,209
2002
92
Source: MIPTV (2004b); M1PCOM (2005); NATPE (2002)
NAIPE
Countries
76
84
85
91
92
96
90
88
89
85
90
Participants
8674
11,277
11,652
15,750
17,694
16,751
17,250
17,440
17,520
20,348°’
10,12512 ‘
lnt’l p.trtkip.mts
1185
2975
4380
4585
Notes:
1. The attendance figure for NATPE 200 I in part reflects relocation of the conference from New Orleans to Las
Vegas, which is more readily accessible to Hollywood-based executives.
2. According to NATPE officials, this number reflects a significant drop for 2002 due to the economic downturn in
general and the uncertainty following September II.
68
G LOB A L TELE V I SI O N M ARKE TPL ACE
Finally, MIPCOM, founded in 1985 and sometimes referred to as MIP-1Vs
younger brother, takes place in Cannes each autumn. Initially designed to
include a wider range of buyers than MIP-Tv, including video distributors and
cable and satellite channels, MIPCOM today draws essentially the same participants as MIP-TV MIPCOM is geared more towards selling US programming
than MIP-Tv, because American sellers have autumn ratings data with which to
demonstrate the popularity of new programming. MIPCOM attendance grew
more than 50 per cent between 1992 and 2000, before plummeting briefly in
October 2001 in the wake of the 11 September terrorist attacks (Table 3.1). The
remarkable growth of MIPCOM has paralleled the growth in international television trade over the past ten years, suggesting a connection between
programming fairs and the smooth operation of international sales. Furthermore, the creation of MIPCOM demonstrates the degree to which Western
programming and companies dominate international television trade. While the
Hollywood majors make most of their deals with larger buyers at a regional trade
fair called the Los Angeles Screenings in May, MIPCOM offers a venue for programming that was not sold at Los Angeles and for buyers who did not attend
the Screenings (Roxborough and Masters, 2001).
THE BUSINESS STRUCTURE OF GLOBAL TELEVISION SALES
Before addressing the cultural dimensions of global television programming fairs
in depth, I want to examine the structure of the global television industry whose
representatives meet there to trade programming. Such an analysis explains the
institutional forces that bring together global television merchants year after year
when the direct economic benefits of the sales markets are intangible.
Paul Hirsch (1972) has examined the organisational structure of the book
publishing, record and film industries, concluding that these industries exhibit
a proliferation of contact personnel on the ‘input’ (product selection) and ‘output’ (promotion and marketing) sectors of the individual organisation. While his
analysis does not address the television industry, it can productively be adapted
to demonstrate the organisation of international television trade (see also Turow,
1997). Hirsch argues that uncertainty is the dominant feature of the culture
industries. Cultural commodities such as television require substantial capital
investment, but their popularity and subsequent revenues are unpredictable.
Therefore, numerous sales and marketing executives are needed at the organisation’s output boundary to ensure that the products receive favourable critical
evaluations and that they are sufficiently differentiated from and promoted
against competitors’ products. In addition, the industries require a steady stream
of new products at the input sector, which in turn leads to a large number of
industry representatives who seek out new material (Hirsch, 1972).
GLOBAL TELE V ISION TRADE SHOWS
69
Global television markets form at the intersection between sellers’ output
boundaries and buyers’ input boundaries. That is, distributors market their finished programmes to international buyers through advertisements placed in the
trade press, promotions at sales markets, direct-mailing of videotapes, e-mail,
and in-person sales calls. Meanwhile, buyers constantly scan a range of possible
imports for those most likely to succeed on their channels, sifting through stacks
of advertisements, trade press reviews and pilot videotapes, attending numerous regional and global sales events, and receiving sales representatives,
international co-producers and independent distribution agents in their offices.
According to Hirsch (1972), contact people at the output boundary of the
culture industries engage in a variety of efforts to ensure commercial success,
including ‘linking the organisation to ( 1) retail outlets and (2) surrogate consumers in mass-media organizations’ (p. 651). In the book industry, for instance,
retail outlets include bookstores, while surrogate consumers are book reviewers
whose opinions can make or break a new release. Because of the importance of
surrogate consumers, promotional representatives expend a great deal of time
and effort trying to sway their opinions. Global television trade shows incorporate both of Hirsch’s linking strategies because they operate as the retail outlet
where the organisation’s contact people and the surrogate consumers meet.
That is, although buyers are the primary consumer in international television
sales, they ultimately serve a surrogate function because the success of an
imported programme lies with viewers. Though independent, buyers’ choices
are never wholly their own. Instead, they receive their authority because they lay
claim to being privileged interpreters of viewers’ tastes, much like book reviewers. Consequently, distributors work hard to court buyers, and programming
trade shows provide the primary setting for these efforts.
Despite the structural importance of global television markets, executives frequently question their economic importance, especially when it comes to the
most immediately obvious characteristic of the markets: their sheer promotional
extravagance. Everywhere on the sales floor loom mammoth billboards advertising new series, while lavish sales ‘stands’ reach to the ceiling. Warner Bros.
International plastered a whole wing of the Palais de Festival in Cannes with
giant Looney Tunes characters at MIP-TV 1999. MGM had lion cubs on display
in a glass cage at NATPE 2001. Commenting on the complexity of preparing
the sales floor, one trade show organiser explained, ‘It’s like building a city’
(Smithard, 2002).
As one ventures further onto the sales floor, one glimpses a vast array of
perquisites, or ‘perks’. Several stands feature free, non-stop food or drink, while
other giveaways and celebrity photo sessions lure participants to vendors’ stands.
At NATPE 2001, executives lined up at the Paramount stand to have their pic-
70
GLOBAL TELEVISION MARKETPLACE
Illustration 3.1: This
advertisement for M1V
Networks International gives a
sense of the scale of
promotional activities at
MIP-1V 2004.
tures taken with cheerleaders from the now-defunct XFL (Extreme Football
League), a short-lived American football league co-owned by World Wrestling
Entertainment and NBC, and played catch in the long hallway outside with
palm-sized promotional footballs. When a particularly attractive giveaway or
photo opportunity begins, word spreads across the sales floor like wildfire. In
addition to the extravagance on the sales floor, several companies sponsor exclusive soirees after the floor closes. When King World International launched its
remake of Hollywood Squares at NATPE 1998, for example, it hosted a private
Elton John concert at the New Orleans Superdome, where it introduced the
secret celebrity ‘center square’, Whoopi Goldberg (Lawrence, 2002).
Such tales of extravagance and their ensuing price tags have led many in the
business to question the significance of programming fairs, especially because
large distributors who shell out millions of dollars attending them claim to make
few important sales there (Brennan, 1999c). Industry executives and trade show
organisers have clashed publicly on several occasions over these issues. In 1999,
Buena Vista Television International skipped MIP-Tv, leading to speculation
that other Hollywood distributors might follow suit (Brennan, 1999d). At
NATPE 2002, the domestic wings of every major studio forwent sales stands for
more subdued business meetings at a nearby Las Vegas hotel, and that practice
has now become common (Johansen, 2002). While most executives agree that
trade shows provide an important time and place to network with current and
potential clients, they cast a wary eye on the extravagances of the programming
fairs.
Commentators have generally treated the extravagances associated with sales
markets as unnecessary indulgences, similar to corporate jets or bottomless
expense accounts that need to be eliminated in the current era of corporate belttightening worldwide. However, business management and marketing
researchers generally conclude that, although their impact cannot easily be
GLOBAL TELEVISION TRADE SHOWS
71
quantified due to the complexity of purchasing decisions and the variety of other
sales efforts that buyers encounter, trade shows remain effective sales tools,
offering a variety of ‘pre-sale’ or ‘non-selling’ opportunities that are crucial to
future sales, especially with regard to products that entail complex purchasing
decisions (Gopalakrishna et al., 1995; O’Hara, 1993).
Researchers agree on the presence of four main kinds of non-selling activities
at trade shows that will interest us here: establishing and renewing relationships
with buyers, gathering information about the industry and competitors, creating awareness of new products and crafting corporate images (Gopalakrishna,
et al., 1995; Herbig, Palumbo and O’Hara, 1996; O’Hara, 1993; Rice, 1992).
In addition, Lisa Penaloza (2001) suggests that trade shows serve important cultural functions such as establishing the identities of participants, instructing
them in the business culture and fostering commonsense assumptions about
how the industry functions. I will argue that, at least when it comes to global
television trade shows, these business and cultural functions are interwoven
through the process of ritualisation that occurs at the sales markets.
GLOBAL TELEVISION MARKETS AS RITUALS
The importance of surrogate consumers and the personalised nature of selling
in international television require that distributors and buyers have frequent
contact. Global programming fairs offer efficient settings for this task because
they bring everyone together at a common place and time. Fred Cohen, President of King World International, explains that his company attends MIP-TV
because ‘all my buyers are here, all my customers’ (Brennan, 1999a, p. 6). Kevin
Sullivan, President of Canadian Sullivan Entertainment, sounds a similar note
about NATPE: ‘It’s an important place to meet European buyers’ (Kelly, 1995,
p. 50). In fact, networking among executives is perhaps the most commonly
accepted business function of global trade shows. But, the importance of global
television markets extends far beyond such rational business functions. Sales
markets provide a ritual space that allows participants to think of themselves as
members of a coherent global television business community, even as they articulate differences of prestige, scarcity and corporate identity that animate the
business processes of global television sales.
In his review of the literature on ritual in critical anthropology, Nick Couldry
(2003) insists upon seeing rituals not as practices that smooth social differences,
but as processes whereby social inequalities are naturalised through specific ritual acts. In this section, I adopt Couldry’s insights in order to examine global
television markets as rituals, where the shared definitions, boundaries and values
of the global television business culture get expressed through a variety of concrete practices. These concrete practices allow for the smooth functioning of
72
GLOB A L TEL EV ISION M A RKE TP LACE
global television sales, even as they elaborate and naturalise divisions among participants. Expressed through the ritual space of the marketplace by a variety of
physical boundaries, these divisions distinguish among buyers and sellers, naive
newcomers and wise veterans, important and insignificant companies. The
physical space of the sales stand provides a key terrain for articulating the corporate identities of distributors, which in turn facilitates the process of product
diffe…
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