LIGN119 ICI Binary to Ternary Rhythmic Continuum in Stress Typology Article Help me write a article report in three to four pages. Mainly is about ternary

LIGN119 ICI Binary to Ternary Rhythmic Continuum in Stress Typology Article Help me write a article report in three to four pages. Mainly is about ternary stress system. You could include some tableaux Don’t split tableaux across pages- Check tableaux carefully (pointing fingers, shading, sad faces, dotted vs continous lines between constraints)- Be reader-friendly (logical flow, clear tableaux with relevant candidates and relevant constraints, helpful guiding comments all along)it’s fine you copy directly from the article. Phonology 32 (2015) 459–504. f Cambridge University Press 2016
doi:10.1017/S0952675715000287
The binary-to-ternary rhythmic
continuum in stress typology:
layered feet and non-intervention
constraints*
Violeta Martínez-Paricio
Norwegian University of Science and Technology
René Kager
Utrecht University
This article presents a novel OT analysis of ternary rhythm, using the restrictive
format of McCarthy (2003)’s categorical alignment constraints, which we will
refer to as ‘non-intervention constraints’, using the terminology of Ellison
(1994), and argues for the rehabilitation of internally layered feet in metrical
representations (i.e. feet with one layer of recursion). By means of a computergenerated factorial typology, we demonstrate that the constraint set proposed
here generates the full typology of binary and ternary rhythm. The resulting typology suggests that there is no absolute boundary between binary and ternary
systems; rather, a continuum emerges, such that binary and ternary feet may
coexist in rhythmic stress systems.
1 Introduction
‘Ternary rhythm’ refers to patterns in which stress falls rhythmically on
every third syllable or mora. A paradigm case is Cayuvava (Key 1961),
* E-mail: VIOLETA.MARTINEZ-PARICIO@NTNU.NO, R.W.J.KAGER@UU.NL.
This paper has benefited from comments from the associate editor, three anonymous reviewers and audiences at the Manchester Phonology Meeting 2013, the
Annual Meeting on Phonology 2014 at MIT and the Workshop on the Formal
Structure of OT Typologies 2015 at Rutgers University. It has also benefited
greatly from discussion and feedback from Birgit Alber, John Alderete, Ryan
Bennett, Jeroen Breteler, Gene Buckley, Patrik Bye, Junko Ito, Martin Krämer,
Armin Mester and Alan Prince. Thanks to Jeroen Breteler for writing the script
for generating candidate sets, and to Natalie DelBusso, Nazarré Merchant and
Alan Prince for running additional simulations in OTWorkplace. For financial
and scientific support, the first author is grateful to the Centre for Advanced
Study in Theoretical Linguistics (CASTL) in Tromsø, where the research was
carried out. The second author’s research was supported by the Netherlands
Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) in the framework of the project
‘Parsing and metrical structure: where phonology meets processing’ (360-89-030).
459
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460 Violeta Martínez-Paricio and René Kager
where stress occurs on every third syllable counting backwards from the
end of the word. According to Levin (1988: 105), the rightmost stress is
primary, as in (1a), where n indicates the number of syllables. Another
classical example is Chugach Alutiiq Yupik (Leer 1985a, b, c) in (1b).
Stress falls on every second syllable and every third syllable thereafter.
In 3n+1 forms (i.e. 4- and 7-syllable words) the final syllable is also
stressed. Leer (1985a) describes all stresses as equally strong. A third
example is Tripura Bangla (Das 2001) in (1c), where stress falls on every
third syllable, except that final syllables are always unstressed. The leftmost stress is primary.
(1) a. Cayuvava
3n
“po.po.he.’ce.Ba.ka
‘inside of cow’
3n+1
ma.”ra.ha.ha.’e.i.ki
‘their blankets’
3n+2
i.ki.”ta.pa.re.’re.pe.ha ‘the water is clean’
b. Chugach Alutiiq Yupik
3n
a.’ku.tar.tu.’nir.tuq
‘he stopped eating akutaq’
3n+1
ma.’Nar.su.qu.’ta.qu.’ni ‘if he (refl) is going to hunt
porpoise’
‘apparently getting done’
3n+2
ta.’qa.ma.lu.’ni
c. Tripura Bangla
‘o.nu.kO.”ro.ni.jO
3n
‘imitable’
‘o.no.nu.”da.Bo.ni.jO ‘unintelligible’
3n+1
‘SO.ma.lO.”sO.na
3n+2
‘criticism’
Ternary stress has been reported for a handful of other languages:
Estonian (Hint 1973), Sentani (Cowan 1965), Hocˉk (Miner 1979) and
possibly Finnish (Carlson 1978). The pitch-accent patterns of a few
other systems, for example Gilbertese (Blevins & Harrison 1999) and
Irabu Ryukyuan (Shimoji 2009), have also been claimed to display
similar ternary groupings.1
The dominant analysis of ternary rhythm in metrical theory has traditionally involved binary feet and the non-parsing of a light syllable
(‘weak local parsing’; Hayes 1995). Weak local parsing as a parsing mechanism in rule-based metrical theories was well constrained and typologically successful. However, it has been shown that more recent weak local
parsing analyses couched in Optimality Theory (OT) suffer from both
undergeneration (i.e. they are not able to predict all the attested ternary
systems) and pathological overgeneration (Eisner 1997, Kager 2001,
McCarthy 2003). In an attempt to develop an alternative OT account of
ternary rhythm, the main goal of this article is to present an analysis of
binary and ternary quantity-insensitive stress patterns that overcomes
the empirical limitations of previous constraint-based analyses.
1 Hayes (1995) mentions three other languages where ternarity occurs more locally,
co-occurring with binarity: Auca (Pike 1964), Mantjiltjara (Marsh 1969) and
Bani-Hassan Arabic (Kenstowicz 1983).
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The binary-to-ternary rhythmic continuum 461
On the representational side, we will argue for the rehabilitation of internally layered ternary (ILT) feet in metrical representations (Prince
1980, Selkirk 1980). An ILT foot consists of a binary foot with a rightor left-adjoined syllable, i.e. ((ss)Fts)Ft or (s(ss)Ft)Ft. Contrary to the originally dominant belief that the unique raison d’être of ternary feet is their
ability to model ternary rhythm, a number of recent works in metrical
phonology have provided cross-linguistic segmental and tonal evidence
in support of the incorporation of ILT feet in prosodic representations
(Davis 1999, 2005, Jensen 2000, Davis & Cho 2003, Yu 2004, Bennett
2012, 2013, Martínez-Paricio 2012, 2013, Buckley 2014). Importantly,
some of these studies have shown that ILT feet can also be active in languages with binary rhythm, hence an ILT foot should no longer be
regarded as a ternary-specific ad hoc device exclusively required to
account for ternary stress distributions. On this point, we will argue that
the strict typological subdivision between BINARY and TERNARY rhythmic
systems should be relaxed in favour of the introduction of the notion of
a RHYTHMIC CONTINUUM. More specifically, we will propose that there is
no absolute boundary between binary and ternary systems; rather, a typological rhythmic continuum emerges, in which systems differ in the
number and type of binary and ternary feet they allow, as shown in
Table I.
strictly binary
nonexhaustive
binary and
ternary
exhaustive
ternary and
binary
exhaustive
(¡s)s
ternary and
strictly ternary
binary
nonnon-exhaustive exhaustive
((¡s)s)
(¡s)(¡s)
(¡s)(¡s)s
((¡s)s)s
((¡s)s)(¡s)
(¡s)(¡s)(¡s)
(¡s)(¡s)(¡s)s
((¡s)s)ss
((¡s)s)((¡s)s)
((¡s)s)(¡s)(¡s)
(¡s)(¡s)(¡s)(¡s)
((¡s)s)((¡s)s)s
((¡s)s)((¡s)s)(¡s)
binary
((¡s)s)((¡s)s)ss
ternary
Table I
The binary-to-ternary rhythmic continuum.
At one end of this continuum, we find systems with strictly binary feet
(Pintupi, Warao), and at the other end systems with only ternary feet
(Cayuvava, Gilbertese). In between, we find MIXED systems, in which
binary and ternary feet coexist in three different ways. In binary and
ternary exhaustive systems (Garawa, Wargamay), feet are preferably
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462 Violeta Martínez-Paricio and René Kager
binary, but a single ternary foot emerges to avoid underparsing. In ternary
and binary exhaustive systems (Chugach, Estonian), feet are preferably
ternary, while (one or two) binary feet emerge whenever needed to avoid
underparsing. In ternary and binary non-exhaustive systems (Tripura
Bangla, Hocˉk), feet are preferably ternary, but one binary foot is
allowed to avoid double underparsing. Note that in order to improve comparisons between systems, Table I exemplifies only ((¡s)s) ‘dactylic’
systems with directionality oriented toward the left edge; however,
systems with different types of ILT feet and different directionalities
will also be shown to fall into the continuum.
Our OT analysis of quantity-insensitive binary and ternary stress will use
only a small set of categorical alignment constraints of the ‘non-intervention’
format (McCarthy 2003). We will demonstrate that our constraint set generates the full typology of binary and ternary quantity-insensitive stress
systems, while avoiding undergeneration and pathological overgeneration.
We will do so by means of a computer-generated factorial typology calculated using OTSoft (Hayes et al. 2003). Interestingly, the resulting typology
will include all systems occurring on the rhythmic continuum; our constraint set thus predicts the existence of the rhythmic continuum.
The article is organised as follows. First, we present the main ingredients
of our theoretical proposal (§2). Second, we analyse the factorial typology of
our constraint set, exploring the binary-to-ternary continuum (§3). Next, we
discuss a number of residual theoretical issues in §4, and conclude in §5.
2 Theoretical proposal: representations and constraints
This section introduces the principal components of the analysis of binary
and ternary rhythm, which will be typologically motivated in §3. We first
present our working hypothesis and assumptions about metrical representations (§2.1), and then discuss the format of the non-intervention alignment constraints necessary to model the rhythmic patterns of stress (§2.2).
2.1 Representations: internally layered ternary feet
In line with standard metrical theories, we assume that stress is the manifestation of a foot head (Liberman & Prince 1977, Selkirk 1980, Halle &
Vergnaud 1987, Hayes 1995).2 However, rather than adopting the standard
assumptions that metrical feet are maximally binary and universally dominated by the prosodic word (2a), we utilise ILT feet in metrical representations. As previously mentioned, ILT feet result from adjoining a weak
syllable to a binary foot. More specifically, our working hypothesis will
be that foot structure can be recursive (2b), but only minimally so:
a single foot layer can be stacked on top of a ‘minimal’ foot by adjunction.
2 This statement does not entail that all foot heads must be overtly realised with stress.
For recent discussion on the existence of stressless feet see Buckley (2009) and
Bennett (2012).
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The binary-to-ternary rhythmic continuum 463
(2) a. w
b. w
Ft
Ft
¡
s
Ft
¡
s
s
Foot recursion involves a departure from the traditional assumption that
feet must be exclusively dominated by the prosodic word (w). However, the
idea that a metrical foot might undergo minimal recursion, giving rise to a
layered trisyllabic foot (2b), is not new in phonological theory. It was originally proposed by Selkirk (1980) and Prince (1980) in their early work on
English and Estonian foot structure. Additionally, ILT feet, or fairly
similar structures, have been posited in other studies (e.g. Dresher &
Lahiri 1991, Rice 1992, Kager 1994). Such proposals have not met with
the same amount of approval as standard metrical theories, but ILT feet
have recently experienced a modest revival: they have been invoked for a
variety of languages, many of which do not display ternary rhythm (see
the references in §1, as well as Caballero 2008 and Kager 2012). These
studies have shown that minimally recursive feet are supported on empirical
grounds that go well beyond the explanation of ternary stress. On the one
hand, it has been demonstrated that some phonological processes need to
differentiate between two types of foot heads: those that are dominated by
one foot projection (cf. (2a)) and those that are dominated by two foot projections (cf. (2b)). This has been argued to be the case in Wargamay and
Yidi¿, two Australian languages with binary stress where only syllables
with a double-head status undergo a vowel-lengthening process (see
Martínez-Paricio 2012, 2013 for details). Similarly, it has been proposed
that the layered foot provides an optimal framework for capturing reported
differences among weak syllables. Note that the two unstressed syllables in
an ILT foot have different structures: each weak syllable is immediately
dominated by a different foot projection, and hence the phonology may
exploit this structural difference in phonological processes. This has been
reported to be the case in Chugach, where Low tonal accents only dock
onto weak syllables that occupy the adjunct position of an ILT foot.
Furthermore, in some ILT configurations, one of the two weak syllables
is located at the left edge of the foot, whereas the other is placed in footfinal position, e.g. ((s¡)Fts)Ft, (s(¡s)Ft)Ft. Since the initial position of a
foot is prominent (just like the initial position of other prosodic
domains), this syllable, even if weak, may be the target of strengthening
effects, and behave as phonologically stronger than the other weak syllable
in an ILT foot (Bennett 2012, 2013). Such foot-initial strengthening in
systems has been documented in English (Davis & Cho 2003, Davis
2005), Dutch (Kager & Martínez-Paricio 2014), Chugach (Leer 1985c,
Rice 1992) and Huariapano (Bennett 2013), among other languages. In
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464 Violeta Martínez-Paricio and René Kager
all these systems, only weak syllables that occur in a foot-initial position are
targeted by a range of fortition phenomena, e.g. aspiration (English),
glottal insertion (Huariapano), fortition of consonants (Chugach) and
greater resistance to vowel reduction (Dutch).3 Furthermore, beyond
these subtle strength distinctions, the ILT foot has been argued to constitute a useful analytical device for restricting the typology of stress-window
systems (Kager 2012, based on Caballero 2008, 2011).
2.1.1 Minimal and maximal foot projections. We propose that, in languages whose metrical structure involves ILT feet, the phonology is able
to distinguish between its different foot projections, but in a restrictive
way. Borrowing the definitions of minimal and maximal prosodic categories of Ito & Mester’s recursion-based subcategories model (2007, 2009,
2013), we claim that prosodic systems may exploit the structural contrast
between MINIMAL and MAXIMAL feet, as well as their negative counterparts,
NON-MINIMAL and NON-MAXIMAL feet, as in (3).
(3) Metrical foot projections
(Ftmax)
Maximal
(Ftmin)
Minimal
Non-maximal (Ftnon-max)
Non-minimal (Ftnon-min)
Ft not dominated by Ft
(the largest Ft projection)
Ft not dominating Ft
(the smallest Ft projection)
Ft dominated by Ft
Ft dominating Ft
These are illustrated in (4) (see Elfner 2012 for evidence for other nonminimal prosodic subcategories).
(4) a.
w
b.
w
Ftmax, min
Ftmax, non-min
¡
Ftnon-max, min
s
¡
s
s
As shown in (4), every foot layer can be characterised with a positive or
negative value for the parameters ‘minimal’ and ‘maximal’. A traditional
(binary or unary) foot will be both ‘minimal’ and ‘maximal’ (4a): its
single projection is ‘maximal’ by not being dominated by another foot,
and ‘minimal’ by not dominating a foot. The top node in the recursive
foot in (4b) is defined as ‘maximal’ in the same way as (4a), but since it directly dominates a foot, it is ‘non-minimal’ as well. The bottom node of the
3 Importantly, this work has shown that alternative analyses of the dual behaviour of
unstressed syllables in terms of a contrast between weak footed syllables and weak
unfooted syllables prove inadequate for these particular cases.
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The binary-to-ternary rhythmic continuum 465
recursive foot in (4b), its innermost foot, is both ‘minimal’ by not dominating a foot and ‘non-maximal’ by being directly dominated by a foot.
As pointed out by Itô & Mester, these terms (minimal/maximal and nonminimal/non-maximal) are not mere notational variants referring to new
language-particular categories in the prosodic hierarchy. On the contrary,
they are structural terms that can be fully and locally inferred from domination relations. When applied to the category foot, they capture information about its specific daughter (i.e. whether it immediately dominates
another foot) and/or its mother node (i.e. whether it is immediately dominated by another foot). In this sense, these terms are local: the specific
characterisation of a given foot layer is directly inferred from local relations. In §2.1 we saw that different metrically conditioned phenomena
need to distinguish between different foot projections. This distinction
will also turn out to be crucial for stress assignment, and the formulation
of our metrical constraints will therefore involve reference to the
different projections of a foot (§2.2).
2.1.2 Restrictions on GEN. Before discussing the main properties of the
violable constraints used in our OT analysis of rhythmic stress, we
outline in this section a few inviolable restrictions which we will tentatively
assume to be enforced by GEN. These restrictions should not be taken as
axioms, but merely as initial working hypotheses that will facilitate our
typological investigation of the ILT foot in §3.
(5) Gen: a working hypothesis
a. Feet are maximally binary branching.
b. Recursion at the foot layer is minimal: feet display maximally one
layer of recursion.
c. Recursive feet arise by adjunction of a syllable to a foot, i.e. a recursive
foot may not branch into two feet: ((ss)Ft(s)Ft)Ft and ((ss)Ft(ss)Ft)Ft
are not possible recursive feet.
(5a) excludes flat ternary branching feet from GEN, in accordance with
standard metrical theories of stress (Rice 2011 and references therein).
As pointed out by Hayes (1995: 315), flat ternary feet are unable to
capture typological predictions relating to the binary foot inventory. In
particular, a theory with flat ternary feet cannot account for the similarities
between ternary and binary feet within a language. Consider for instance a
language with iambic lengthening and ternary rhythm, like Chugach,
where lengthening occurs in both ternary feet, e.g. (s¡:s), and binary
feet, e.g. (s¡:) (Leer 1985a). A theory with flat ternary feet would fail to
unify the structural context of lengthening, since lengthening occurs in
different types of feet: amphibrachs and iambs. In contrast, in a theory
where ternary feet arise by adjoining a syllable to a binary foot (in the
case of Chugach, an iambic foot) it is evident why binar…
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