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subject: English 1302 Topic: Social Movement Assignment Need to refer videoThe protagonism of social movements
transforming the world as we know it…
Guilherme Dornelas Camara
review of
Cox, L. (2018) Why social movements matter: An introduction. London and New York:
Rowan & Littlefield. (PB. pp. xviii + 130, £ 17.95, ISBN 9871786607829)
The title of Cox’s new book may call the attention of both new readers and
those long acquainted to one of the most relevant references in
contemporary social movement theory (SMT). In an unpretentious way, he
presents social movements (SMs) as the materialized agency that transforms
the social order. Along the text, he employs many anecdotes about how
some people get involved, even if incidentally, with a social movement and
how this experience changes one’s life and her or his more immediate
surroundings. This strategy of writing brings some fresh air in the text,
although, many times, those stories end up showing how everyday life is dull
or difficult and the discomfort with it leads someone to take the initiative of
engaging on a SM. Add to it the fact that there are very few quotations, and
you have a book palatable to the non-academic reader interested in SMs.
Before continuing, I must say that, being a Latin American scholar
interested on the theme of SMs, my reading of the book is obviously
influenced by my context of practice and the very reality of SMs in my
ephemera: theory & politics in organization 20(1)
212 | review
region. Even though positioned, my reading was engaged to the text and
intends to present it to the audience in general, eventually pointing out
particularities of the SMs or some of the concepts presented at the book in
my subcontinent.
At the early pages, Cox states that ‘to understand social movements […] we
need to put emphasis above all on the people involved in creating this
collective agency, in whatever way, and to ask about the relationships
between them’ [xii]. Despite the simple terms of the definition proposed, it
states a very important claim about the social movements that goes beyond
the acknowledged understanding of them as things-in-themselves and the
usual symbolic interactionist focus on how the bonds and networks of
sociability of activists within SMs (McAdam, McCarthy and Zald, 1996).
Highlighting that is it the actual praxis of collective subjects that change the
world allows that reader to move onto more broaden terrain, where it is
possible to see that the objective transformations of reality and the
consequent subjective changes of the activists are produced within social
struggles. The chapters of the book develop the argument in a very organised
way, turning more complex, at each time, the relations within SMs; those of
SMs and the Left; those with academia and the intelligentsia, as Gramsci
(1981) would put it, in both ways, from the university to the streets and from
the latter to reflection.
The Introduction brings examples of well organised social movements, such
as workers unions and peasants’ movements, as well as those of more
ephemerous or less structured ones, such as green consumption, solidarity
acts to immigrants and refugees that took place and continue to happen in
various countries such as Ireland, France, Portugal, Russia, the United
States, Brazil, India and China. As part of the book’s argument lays on the
fact that ‘movements are widespread and frequent but not routine, running
throughout the social world and across societies but not homogenous’ [ix],
there is a great effort of trying to show the reader that ‘social movements,
then, are everywhere – both geographically and in the different parts of the
social order. They are defeated or decline as well as having their moments of
winning. They are not all nice, or right. They are creative and unpredictable,
resisting the lazy generalisations of journalists under deadline pressure’ [ix].
Although Cox’s definition of social movements may sound a little loose to
Guilherme Dornelas Camara The protagonism of social movements
review | 213
someone – as it affirms, they are everywhere and happen every time – it must
be said they are not anything, as the unsuspected reader may find.
According to him,
what makes something a movement rather than something else is above all
conflict: movements develop (and argue over) a sense of “we” which is
opposed to a “they” (the state, corporations, a powerful social group, a form
of behaviour) in a conflict which is about the shape and direction of the
society, on a large or small scale in terms of geography but also in terms of
the scope of the issue. [xii]
In Latin America, the relationship between SMs and conflicts are quite
evident, as well as the solidarity amongst activists of different movements.
SMs are generally organized against a determined governmental initiative,
or a company that threatens directly or indirectly people’s lives. Frequently,
workers’ unions, the unemployed, feminist collectives, black people, LBGTQI
subjects, traditional communities, ecologists, students’ collectives, leftist
political parties and so on, gather together to help each other fighting their
struggles, even if the immediate interest is of one of those groups.
As the centrality of SMs lays on the conflict, it is possible to agree with the
author that
one thing movements are not, it is dull and predictable: if they settle into
routines for a few years, they rarely have the resources that in other kinds of
social activity keep people behaving in the same way over decades with only
minimal changes. [xiii]
Being an Brazilian academic interested on SMs, I can assure that immobilism
and overlapping of the movements by allegedly progressive parties when
they get into power bring great damage to the SMs.
As the book shows, SMs involve people thinking hard and creatively about
how to win against opponents who are often more powerful, wealthier and
with greater cultural authority than them. ‘They are among the spaces
people makes them such a delight to participate in and to study – they are
among the spaces where people push themselves most fully, in more
dimensions of their being than in more narrowly defined contexts’ [xiii].
ephemera: theory & politics in organization 20(1)
214 | review
Another strength of the book is how it may help activists of SMs learning
from each other’s struggles. Of course, no tactics or strategic elements of
actual struggles are presented, but there are many reflections on how social
movements help changing local reality and can engage in a broader
‘movement of movements’ (Cox and Nilsen, 2007). I will address the latter
some paragraphs below.
Chapter 1 presents reasons why we need social movements as both
individuals and part of a society. After three anecdotes about how three
people got involved in social movements and how those changed the lives of
such people, Cox highlights their importance to one’s own life as they are
part of everyday and, also, are intrinsically related to human needs. Things
such as ‘the support group, the leaflet, the website, the small local
demonstration to defend services, the email to politicians or the
subscription to an NGO’, states the author, are ‘nothing special; or rather,
only some of the time do we even really notice movement activity as out of
the ordinary’ [3].
To him, everyday life in most contemporary cultures
involves some acceptance of some kind of movement participation as
reasonable and normal. The criteria of normality and acceptance may,
however, be the turning point of participating organized groups or social
activities into being part of a social movement. [5]
In Cox’s definition, a movement comes to reality when there are
networks – formal and clientelist or informal and radically democratic, with
many other shades in between – that connect different kinds of formal
organisations and informal group, parties and trade unions, cultural figures
and politicians and even (in some cases) churches, online media, subcultures,
everyday form of resistance, popular memories of past revolutions or
lifestyles. [xii]
Being a Latin American scholar interested in SMs, I might say that, at least
in the context of SMs in our region, the normality of some kind of
participation in movements is optimistic and can drive us to question
exactly what kind participation in SMs and social struggles are to be
acceptable and reasonable. The raison d’être of SMs is indeed to oppose to
the social-economic order as it is and to make an effort of changing it. As
Guilherme Dornelas Camara The protagonism of social movements
review | 215
Cox usually brings a Marxist standpoint on the book, I feel free to, from that
same ground, point out that solidarity to ‘support every revolutionary
movement against the existing social and political order of the things’ (Marx
and Engels 2010: 34) is contradictory to what is ‘reasonable’, ‘normal’ and
‘acceptable’ at the capitalist social order, specially under neoliberalism. In
our region, even well-known and long-established movements as the
Landless Workers’ Movement (MST), the Zapatistas, the Piqueteros, and
many others are usually treated as rowdy, vandals and subversive. In recent
years, despite the good will one could expect from progressive governments
in the region regarding SMs, anti-terrorism laws were stated by the Leftist
governments of Argentina, Brazil and Ecuador. All of them targeted SMs that
opposed the governments and or their policies and many activists were
arrested, reaffirming the radical authoritarian character of neoliberalism
(Puello-Socarrás, 2013).
That very opposition to reality as it is, makes the
‘[m]ovements involve a process of education and emancipation: education in
terms of thinking more deeply about different kinds of social relationship,
power structure or cultural norms – and emancipation in the sense of taking
practical action around this. This practical action, even in small doses, is
transformative and contrasts sharply with letting our everyday actions be
driven by habit while relating to the world through opinions alone. [10]
Chapter 1 ends with this focus on more subjective results of participating on
Chapter 2 shows how the world as we know it – in its full contradictions and
underpinning conflicts – is a result of the action of social movements.
Taking social dynamics in retrospective, the author points out how
absolutist regimes and colonialism – this last in a wider sense, including
plantations, slavery, submissive oligarchies and so on – were fought to give
place to bourgeois democracy as we know it nowadays.
Cox asserts that
we should not imagine separate women’s, workers, nationalist or whatever
movements which only concern themselves with these issues. Instead, we
have different forms of political subject which are subject to constant
tensions around these issues and which necessarily represent one choice of
ephemera: theory & politics in organization 20(1)
216 | review
direction as against another. Most broadly movements from below can
(indeed are forced to) choose between alliance with each other’s struggles or
the attempt to assert one’s own interests as structured within the given social
order and hence at the expense of one another. [30]
As the theme of movements from below was brought at this point, and it is
not covered elsewhere on the book, it is important to highlight that this
concept is opposed to that of movements from above. The latter are
those forms of collective agency which are by definition the most widespread
and effective in normal periods […]. More specifically, forms of collective
human agency that can draw on central positions of power (particularly
within the state), a key role in economic direction (particularly in the
organisation of paid and unpaid work) and high cultural prestige quite
naturally draw on these resources, are shaped by these relationships, and are
connected to specific social interests. This is the broad field – of alliances
between elite groups around particular projects for the direction of society as
a whole, and of the consent or coercion of various subaltern groups – that
Gramsci (1971) discusses under the term hegemony. (Cox and Nilsen, 2017:
Contradictorily, Nilsen and Cox (2013: 73) define movements from below as
collective projects developed and pursued by subaltern groups, organizing a
range of locally-generated skilled activities around a rationality that seeks to
either challenge the constraints that a dominant structure of needs and
capacities impose upon the development of new needs and capacities, or to
defend aspects of an existing, negotiated structure which accommodate their
specific needs and capacities.
One might get to the conclusion that SMs are, indeed, those ‘from below’.
However, Cox considers conservative movements from above and those
transformative from below in intrinsic relationship of forces that repulse one
another. There would not be a challenge to the dominant order if that order
did not promote a movement of totalisation. Neither those above nor those
below are static, but tension each other more or less continually expressing
in actual days the dynamics of class struggle.
Again, positing my Latin American reading of Cox, I must bring the concept
of ‘from below’ as it is developed by Isabel Rauber (2002, 2004), an
Argentinian scholar of SMs. To her, the organisations that are being built in
popular social struggles are instruments that should not be misunderstood
Guilherme Dornelas Camara The protagonism of social movements
review | 217
as the subjects of political change. The SMs are collective subjects and the
way they organize themselves is a mean through which they exercise their
protagonism. That is why all those involved in the SMs must take part on the
actions and the thinking about the movements.
Building and developing horizontal practices and relationships at the
organisational level, in thought and in action, is a component of the utmost
importance, especially if we consider that the process of organic-political
construction also includes the formation of a new mystique, which is
strengthened and fruits when there is no difference of principles between the
form of organisation, the functioning and the driving practices between the
leaders and the bases. […] With elitist and authoritarian vertical practices it is
impossible to build organisations based on the democratic criteria of
participation from below. (Rauber, 2004: 12)
Advancing in the formulation of the concept of ‘from below’, the author
means having a conception and formulating a course of action that
articulates all those involved in the process. The term indicates a sociopolitical
position from which the construction of power occurs, putting the
participation of those below in a central, protagonist position (Rauber,
Returning to the book, it is important to mention that Cox does not oversee
the fragmentation and co-optation of SMs, mostly those related to identity
or ecological agenda that are not able to create bonds to other movements
outside their most immediate interests. As he points out, after 1980s,
it would become clear that neoliberalism was more than capable of co-opting
isolated elements of each of these movements – arguably it had to do so in
order to shore up its own legitimacy. Thus (for example), female, gay or black
professionals used radical rhetoric to advance their own interests at the
expense of the large majority of people in each of these categories; ecological
and countercultural movements became channelled into forms of ‘lifestyle’
consumption; or defeated, demobilised and individualised working-class
populations were targeted by right-wing media and politicians as bases of
support for their racist, militarist and misogynist policies. [34]
Maybe that is because of the broad definition of SM that he holds. Looking
back to SMs in my region of the world, I can notice that reuniting forces
against stronger opponents – generally corporations of the governments – is
usual and, many times, part of the logics of organizing the SMs. Landless
ephemera: theory & politics in organization 20(1)
218 | review
peasants’ movements, workers’ unions and many others are usually together
in solidarity to each other. These bonds are characteristic of what Dussel
(2012) calls ‘people’, as the collective of the ‘poor’ – the popular masses that
are victims of the neo-liberal capitalism in the region, as the oppressed
women, the poor elderly, traditional communities, and so on.
That brings to question what is the role of SMTs and studying social
Where, in all of this, is research on social movements and
revolutions? In my own work, I have been strongly critical of ‘actually
existing’ social movement studies, and this book does not follow the
freakonomists and evolutionary psychologists in proposing ourselves
as some new master science. […] [S]ocial movements research is such
a varied field that it can hardly play this role, even if it wanted to. [39]
The answer relies on the fact that SMs regularly try to learn from their own
experience: ‘trying to articulate those lessons theoretically in order to thing
about the big strategic picture; and trying to develop appropriate forms of
education and training to return these ideas to the world of practice’ [42].
Scholars on SMTs may also have a role there.
Chapter 3 approaches the relationships between SMs and the Left in a
historical perspective, articulating parties, movements, unions and popular
struggle in general. Since the pan-European attempts of 1848 up to Temer’s
and Zuma’s coups, passing through 1968 in France and the First
International, Cox asks about the contributions of the so-called Left (and
what this is exactly?) to the development of SMs in the world history.
The theme of the alliances between the movements themselves and
supposedly organic intellectuals (academics, journalists etc.) is brought
under a programme that the author calls
learning from each other’s struggles: one in which the basic position is not
one of a separate elite judging popular movements and approaching them in
an instrumental way, but rather one of activists involved in different ways in
the many different learning processes that go on in social movements, who
come to understand their own needs, struggles, and visions more clearly in
the encounter with each other. [58]
Guilherme Dornelas Camara The protagonism of social movements
review | 219
As Cox puts it, SMs have not only an educational purpose for the activists
within them, but also for them to learn with each other. That can be the
linkage that allows someone who identifies with a particular struggle to
consider how far that movement
[…] reach beyond themselves to make allies, to generalise the struggle at a
higher level and to understand the structure they are resisting more deeply –
and to ask themselves how they can contribute to sharing what they have
learnt from their own struggles with new generations of activists in other
movements, other places and (as history and age catch up with us all) other
times. [60]
When take a look at the movements on a broader way, it is possible to
perceive that they respond to various issues such and that the ones involved
in such movements are, in fact, fighting for or against something that affects
his or her life more immediately. Although everyone involved in a movement
is a singularity, there is not only one sole issue that affects one’s life. Being a
worker at my University does not make me less member of the LGBTQI
community neither less Marxist at my theoretical-political orientation. I
might be engaged in a specific struggle as member of the board of the
Professors’ Union but that cannot obliterate my commitment to other causes
that affect me and my local context and even less undermine my solidarity to
any other popular struggle. The opposite is the truth: being involved in a SM
opens my ears and my eyes to popular causes even though I might not be
directly related to them.
Chapter 4 addresses the learning that develops through collective practice in
SMs and the action-oriented thinking that flow from there. Being part of a
movement makes one see being the strict limits of the action of the
movement and to have a grasp of the linked phenomena of reality, where
racism, gender prejudice, LGBTQI-phobia, xenophobia, genocide of original
communities and many other forms of oppression are articulated under a
neoliberal agenda that advocates the individualization of society and
communities in order to achieve a greater accumulation of capital. All of
these people ‘are movements and not things, people and not objects, actors
discovering and inhabiting their own agency rather than pawns to be moved
about in a hypothetical chessboard’ [65].
ephemera: theory & politics in organization 20(1)
220 | review
The popular character of movements, stated by Cox above, transcends the
limits imposed by traditional analysis that point out the workmen as those
responsible for the overcome of capitalism. In the South of the world we
have many examples of SMs that are not typical workers movement, but the
struggles of the poor, the natives, non-Caucasian races, women, LGBTQI
subjects, traditional communities, and those in defence of nature bond
together in what Dussel (2012) calls people (el pueblo): the collective subject
that reunites those with a (partly) shared socio-historical reference. Broader
than the workers fighting in class struggle, popular struggles are determined
by it, but are not reduced to it.
Not only in our region of the world, but even in central countries, popular
struggles and SMs with reference on people’s needs and demands are facing
the same enemy: the development of neoliberalism. Cox calls that ‘the
movement of the movements’, as it is ‘[…] a grounding of the attempt to
develop a wider challenge to neoliberalism in the lived reality of people’s
concrete lives’ [35], expressed in the complex reality of different struggles in
different places.
Chapter 5 focus on how movements ‘think for themselves’ and how this
thinking is manifested in institutions as the university. Cox states that ‘the
pages of the mainstream press, the books of radical celebrities or high-status
theories within academia […], all these are structured in ways that
systematically obscure their relationship to SMTs’ [85]. Scholars interested
in SMs must, then, find the less glamorous spaces within the movements
themselves in which they actually think and argue about who they are, what
they want and how they are going to get there.
Overcoming the traditional academic thought, even in SMTs that are still
attached to structuralist or symbolic interactionist analysis, is fundamental
to those engaged with the reality of SMs. As he defends the need to go
beyond structuralism, searching for agency within the movements and in
their transformation of reality, Cox stresses the need to observe beyond the
very logics of each movement, taking a glance of ‘the movement of
movements’ facing neoliberalism.
For him, the twilight of the neoliberalism has two reasons:
Guilherme Dornelas Camara The protagonism of social movements
review | 221
(a) as a strategy it no longer convinces that it is capable of meeting long-term
interests; (b) it has increasingly lost the consent of large swathes of the
population who initially supported it, as a situation not altered by the
willingness of voters to support such candidates when the alternative is the
far right. [89]
a substantial part of what has undermined neoliberalism is precisely popular
movements ‘desde abajo y a la izquierda’, from below and on the left, allied in
the form of first the anti-capitalist movement of movements form the later
1990s on, and more recently the wave including the Arab Spring, Indignad@s,
Occupy, Gezi Park, Black Lives Matter or Standing Rock. [95]
One last point I would like to call the reader’s attention is to when Cox refers
to our task, as academic, in this greater movement. It is
[…] to question the fields we are in and their wider social purpose; to seek to
reclaim academic territory for movement purposes that go beyond our own
contexts at the same time we attempt to change power relations and culture
within those contexts. [105]
To the Latin American academics of SMs this task is even harder, and, just
because of this, more urgent to be accepted by our community.
Finally, I must say that this book, which seemed introductory at a first look –
helping better those who were interested in SMs but were not acquainted to
SMTs – brings important alerts and lessons to those who are already part of
the field. Cox demonstrates he continues to be politically engaged with SMs
and an intellectual committed to the transformation of the world.
Cox, L. and A. Nilsen (2017) ‘Reading neoliberalism as a social movement
from above’, Theomai, 35: 118-128.
Dussel, E. (2012) A produção teórica de Marx: um comentário aos Grundrisse.
São Paulo: Expressão Popular.
Gramsci, A. (1971) Selections from the prison notebooks. London: Lawrence
and Wishart.
ephemera: theory & politics in organization 20(1)
222 | review
Marx, K and F. Engels (2010) Manifesto of the communist party. Marxists
Internet Archives ( [
marx/ works/download/ pdf/Manifesto.pdf]
McAdam, D., J. McCarthy and M. Zald (1996) Comparative perspectives on
social movements. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Nilsen, A. and L. Cox (2013) ‘What would a Marxist theory of social
movements look like?’, in C. Barker, L. Cox, J. Krinsky and A. G. Nilsen
(eds) Marxism and social movements. Leiden: Brill.
Puello-Socarrás, J. F. (2013) ‘Ocho tesis sobre el neoliberalismo (1973-
2013)’. Revista Espacio Crítico, 4-18.
Rauber, I. (2002). Construcción de poder desde abjo: conceptos claves
[Construction of power from below: key concepts]. [http://www.reb]
Rauber, I. (2004). Movimientos sociales y representación política [Social
movements and political representation]. [http://www.rebelion.
the author
Guilherme Dornelas Camara works at the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul,
Brazil. His research interests are related to the organization praxis of social
movements, specially those of homeless and street population, and also Latin
American Social Thinking. He was member of the collective of editors of Revista
Brasileira de Estudos Organizacionais (RBEO). His recent publications are in journals
such as QROM, Cuadernos de Administración, REAd and book chapters in México.
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Social Movements


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When people form an organized group with a common goal that relates to society’s need for social change, and they operate within a structured frame to change social behaviors, their overt challenge becomes a social movement. One such movement was that of the American Civil Rights Movement during the 1950s and 1960s.


“Social movements [are] the materialized agency that transforms the social order. . . [placing] emphasis above all on the people involved in creating this collective agency [and] the relationships between them” (“Protagonism 211).



Guilherme Dornelas Camara: PhD in Administration / ​​Organizational Studies-Rua School of Administration – Brazil


“The Protagonism of Social Movements

Transforming the World as We Know It”




Dr. Dornelas Camara points to well organized social movements, such as “workers unions and peasants’ movements” (212). He also includes those that last for a short time, those that are less structured than others, and those that have taken place and continue to take place around the world, in Ireland, France, Portugal, Russia, the United States, Brazil, India and China.


“[W]hat makes something a movement rather than something else is above all conflict” (213).


Dr. Dornelas Camara states that a movement develops and argues over the identity of the group as a sense of we (a marginalized group), which is opposed to the power of ‘they’ (the majority), as represented in the operation of state, corporation, and financial holdings. The ‘we’ challenges the ‘they’ to reshape and redirect society’s inequalities and social unjust.


Malik Miah


“The Racial Underbelly of U.S. Justice:

Whose Lives Matter in America?”:


“America is not a unified nation-state based on equal rights and fairness for all its citizens. It is a white-dominated country with smaller subnational groups that continuously are discriminated against and seen as less than human, and certainly less than whites” (3).


We will examine the Black Lives Matter Movement through the lenses of literary works, analyzing the three reading assignments:

  1. “My Dungeon Shook: Letter to My Nephew on the One Hundredth Anniversary of The Emancipation” (James Baldwin)


  1. “Powwow at the End of the World” (Sherman Alexie)


  1. “My Identity” (Helen Rivas Galván)


Before we begin our analysis, click on the link below or copy and paste it in the search bar and view the first two videos:





  1. 65 years after Emmett Till’s death, still no federal law against lynching (6:27)

Till was only 14 when he was murdered after being accused of offending a white woman in her family’s store. Now, in the wake of George Floyd’s death, there are renewed calls for an anti-lynching law.


  1. Woman whose father was lynched in 1947: Time for US to ‘acknowledge our sinful past’ (3:25)

“The people are now suffering as I suffered.“ Josephine Bolling McCall









Considering Malik Miah’s quote: “America is not a unified nation-state based on equal rights and fairness for all its citizens. It is a white-dominated country with smaller subnational groups that continuously are discriminated against and seen as less than human, and certainly less than whites” (“Racial Underbelly” 3).


  • Write one paragraph that responds to each video (total two paragraphs).


  • Give a brief summary of each video and state whether the events chronicled in the videos support the need for a social movement.


  • In your paragraphs, make sure to reference Malik Miah’s quote:

“America is not a unified nation-state based on equal rights and fairness for all its citizens. It is a white-dominated country with smaller subnational groups that continuously are discriminated against and seen as less than human, and certainly less than whites” (3).



  • Each paragraph must be at least (five) sentences to be counted as complete.




I have attached all articles so that you can reference them in your paragraphs.


  1. “The Racial Underbelly of U.S. Justice: Whose Lives Matter in America?” (Malik Miah)


  1. “Woman whose father was lynched in 1947” (Tenzin Shakya)


  1. “The Protagonism [sic] of Social Movements: Transforming the World as We Know It”





Works Cited


Dornelas Camara, Guilherme. “The Protagonism of Social Movements Transforming the World as We Know It.” Ephemera: Theory & Politics in Organization, vol. 20, no. 1, Feb. 2020, pp. 211–222. EBSCOhost, search.

Miah, Malik. “The Racial Underbelly of U.S. Justice: Whose Lives Matter in America?”. Against the Current-Solidarity Journal. 7012 Michigan Avenue, Detroit, MI 48210. January-February 2015.

Shakya, Tenzin. “Woman whose father was lynched in 1947: Time for US to ‘acknowledge our sinful past’”. ABC News Network. June 2020.


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